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« coal-pits;” who descend into the bowels of the earth, not in search of wealth it seems, but of wisdom, and who have the presumption to imagine, with Polonius, that they “ can find where truth “ is hid, though it were hid indeed within the

centre.” " These are not the men,” says Mr. J. very cautiously and prudently, “ whom I should - chuse to trust with unlimited power;" and, for my part, I cannot but think them the more dangerous, on account of the astonishing secrecy with which they disseminate their sentiments, and carry on their designs ; infomuch, that I really did not know, or even suspect, that there were any such men in existence, till I was informed of them by Mr. J.: happy for us that his warning voice has founded in our ears; “ Let no such men be 6 trusted.” It is now high time to pass on to the Fourth Proposition, which Mr. J. undertakes to confute, and which also, when fairly stated, as he affirms, confutes itself: The proposition is this:

4thly, That all Government is a compact between the governors and the governed. Now it may be remarked, that as all the positions which Mr. J. has undertaken to confute, confute themselves when fairly stated, it would not have been good policy, by any means, in Mr. J. to aim at making a fair statement of them, which would of course leave nothing for him to do, he therefore indulges himself in a sort of liberty not unusual amongst authors of very high reputation : I mean

a liberty

a liberty of misrepresentation, by which contrivance he has acquired abundant scope for ingenious ridicule, as well as serious argument. Thus in the present case we may observe, that Mr. J. affects to consider Locke, and the rest of the pretended patriots whose principles he opposes, as maintaining, that at some remote period a formal agreement was actually entered into by the two contracting parties, by which the latter gave up part of their natural independence, in exchange for protection granted by the former ; without which voluntary surrender no one man, or body of men, could have a right to control the actions of ano. ther; “ but all this, says he, is a ridiculous fiction, intended only to fubvert all government, and let mankind loose to prey upon each other.” Mr. J. best knows what purpose this ridiculous fiction was intended to answer, for he is indisputably entitled to the honour of the invention. Those pretenders to patriotism who inculcate the doctrine of a political compact, mean by it nothing more, than that the relative situation of the governors and governed in every civil community necessarily partakes of the nature of a compact. There is an original, a virtual, an implied compact, subsisting between the two parties, and which must ever continue to subsist. The two grand conditions of this compact, and which constitute the reciprocality of it, are, on the one side protection, and on the other obedience. It is from the very nature of the case as essentially binding on the two parties



as if it had been executed with all the formalities of an agreement between two individuals. Obedience can never be due where protection is preriously withdrawn; neither can protection be due where obedience is causelessly withheld. “ But," fays Mr. J. “ compact is repugnant to the very “ nature of Government, whose essence is com“ pulfion, and which originates always from ne. “ cessity, and never from choice or compact; and " it is the most egregious absurdity to reason from “ the supposed rights of mankind in an imaginary “ state of nature ; a state the most unnatural, be. “ cause in such a state they never did or can sub- fist, or were ever designed for." Now I confess, with great deference to the judgment of this profound statesman and politician, that in my simple apprehension, compact is so far from being repugnant to the nature of Government, that it ig effential to the idea of an equitable and legitimate Government. If the essence of Government is compulfion, I should be glad to know in what the essence of tyranny consists: That a certain degree of compulsion must be exercised by every Govern. ment, in order to secure the falutary and beneficial purposes of Government, cannot be disputed; but it no more follows froin thence that coinpact is inconsistent with or repugnant to the nature of Government, than it follows in the business of common life, that a master who is intitled to exercise authority over his fervants, and in some instances to difpenfe punishments amongst them, is not at


the same time obliged, i. e. bound by compact, expressed or implied, to protect them from injury, to provide for their welfare, and to treat them with every proper and requisite indulgence. The essence of Government is not compulsion, but protection; i. e. protection is the sole end and object of Government; compulsion is entirely fubordinate to it, and is no otherwise justifiable or admissible than as it is capable of being made subservient, in some mode or other, to the advancementof thatend. Again,“ Governinent,” says Mr. J.“ originates always from necessity, and never from choice or compact.” If by necessity Mr. J. means only a political necessity, or an urgent and obvious want of some common bond of union, in order to maintain peace and order in fociety, I am far from disputing it; but then such a necessity is very consistent with such a virtual compact as Mr. Locke contends for; nay, it implies it; for this necessity is either only another term for public utility, or else it arises from, and is founded wholly upon it: therefore, if that Government which is founded upon public utility implies that certain conditions are to be observed, the Government that is founded upon political necessity implies exactly as much; the distinction is merely verbal. But if Mr. J. means by necessity lawless force, then the idea of a compact is indeed excluded; but it is to be hoped that Mr. J. does not mean to infinuate, that this is the foundation on which Government ought to reft. If any sovereign should presume to assert such

M 2

a claim,

a claim, there is no other remedy than to oppose force to force. - If he has risen by force, then “ force must pull him down.”

< But it is a most egregious absurdity,” says Mr. J. “ to reason from the supposed rights of mankind in an imaginary state of nature, &c.” Now here I have again the misfortune to differ from this ingenious writer : for what he regards as an egregious absurdity, apo pears not to me any absurdity at all; but on the contrary, a very natural, easy and satisfactory way of analyzing the complex idea of Government, and of reducing it to its original principles. What fhould we think of a mathematician who should object to Sir Is. Newton's demonstration of the theory of gravitation, because it is ultimately founded upon a few self-evident axioms? With just as much reason does Mr. J. object to Mr.Locke and others, that their system is founded on certain supposed abstract truths. It is as true, that all men are born equal, as that all the parts are equal to the whole; and Mr. Locke is as much at liberty to argue from the former axiom, as Sir Il. Newton from the latter; and it is no more necessary for one philosopher to show that men ever actually existed in a state of equality, than for the other to prove that a whole was ever actually divided into parts. Mr. J. may perhaps think that both axioms carrytheirownrefutation along with them; butLocke and Newton wrote for those who thought they both carried their own evidence with them. Few persons certainly will be found hardy enough, like Mr. J. to


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