lation for the ultimate emancipation of our slaves. . . If the legislature should concur in these views of this important element of our political and social system, our confederates should be distinctly informed, in any communication we may have occasion to make to them, that in claiming to be exempt from all foreign interference, we can recognize no distinction between ultimate and immediate emancipation.. It behoves us therefore, to demand of all the non. slaveholding states. 1. A formal, and solemn disclaimer by its legislature, of the existence of any rightful power, either in such state, or the United States in congress assembled, to interfere in any manner with the institution of domestic slavery in South Carolina. 2. The immediate passage of penal laws by such legislatures, denouncing against the incendiaries of whom we complain, such punishments as will speedily and for ever suppress their machinations against our peace and safety. . . The liberal, enlightened, and magnanimous conduct of the people in many portions of the nonslaveholding states, forbids us to anticipate a refusal on the part of those states, to fulfil these high obligations of national faith and duty."-Extracts from his Message to S. Carolina, 1835.

JOHN C. CALHOUN.

"We regard slavery as the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world. It is impossible with us that the conflict can take place between labor and capital, which makes it so difficult to establish and maintain free institutions in all wealthy and highly civilized nations where such institutions do not exist. Every plantation is a little community with the master at its head, who concentrates in himself the united interests of capital and labor of which he is the common representative."-Mr. Calhoun of South Carolina, in the United States Senate, Jan. 10th, 1840.

In United States Senate, Feb. 4, 1836. Mr. CALHOUN from the select committee, reported the following bill:

Be it enacted, &c., That it shall not be lawful for any deputy postmaster, in any state, territory, or district knowingly to receive and put into the mail any pamphlet, news-paper, handbill, or other paper, printed or written, or pictorial representation, touching the subject of slavery, addressed to any person or post-office in any state, territory, or district, where, by the laws of said state, territory, or district, their calculation is prohibited. Nor shall it be lawful for any deputy postmaster in said state, territory, or district, knowingly to deliver to any person any such pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or other paper, printed or written, or pictorial representa. tion, to any person whatever, except to such persons as are duly authorized by the proper authority of such state, territory, or district, to receive the same.

HENRY CLAY.

With the abolitionists, the rights of property are nothing; the deficiency of the powers of the General Government is nothing; the acknowledged and incontestible powers of the States are nothing; civil war and dissolution of the Union, and the overthrow of a government in which are concentrated the fondest hopes of the civilized world, are nothing. A single idea has taken possession of their minds, and onward they pursue it, overlooking all barriers, reckless and regardless of all consequences. With this class, the immediate abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the Territory of Florida, the prohibition of the removal of slaves from State to State, and the refusal to admit any new State, com. prising within its limits the institution of domestic slavery, are but so many means conducing to the accomplishment of the ultimate but perilous end at which they avowedly and boldly aim; are but so many short stages in the long and bloody road to the distant goal at which they would finally arrive.

To the agency of their powers of persuasion, they now propose to substitute the powers of the ballot box; and he must be blind to what is passing before us, who does not perceive that the inevitable tendency of their proceedings is, if these should be found insufficient, to invoke, finally, the more potent powers of the bayonet.

If, therefore, these ultra-abolitionists are seriously determined to pursue their scheme of immediate abolition, they should at once set about raising twelve hundred millions of dollars, to indemnify the owners of slave property. And the taxes to raise that enorinous amount can only be justly assessed upon themselves or upon the free States, if they can persuade them to assent to such an assessment; for it would be a mockery of all justice and an outrage against all equity to levy any portion of the tax upon the slave States to pay for their own unquestionable property.-Speech in the U. S. Senate, Feb. 1839.

WADDY THOMPSON

Of South Carolina, moved to amend as follows: "Strike out all after instructions," and insert,

To report a joint resolution, directing the President to take the proper steps for the annexation of Texas to the United States, as soon as it can be done consistently with the treaty stipulations of this government.—Motion in the House of Representatives, June 14, 1838.

JAMES HAMILTON.

We have, therefore, a claim on the governments of the non-slaveholding States, not only moral and social, but of indispensable constitutional obligation, that THIS NUISANCE SHALL BE ADAPTED. They not only owe it to us, but they owe it to themselves, to that Union, at whose shrine they have so often offered up the highest pledges, by which man can plight his temporal faith.

Apart from all these obligations, resulting from the constitutional compact, which unites these States, and which make the imperative duty of one member of this confederacy not to allow its citizens to plot against the peace, property and happiness of another member, there is no principle of international law better established, than that even among foreign nations, such atrocious abuses are not to be tolerated, except at the peril of that high and ultimate penalty, by which a brave and free people vindicate their rights.-Report of S. Carolina Legislature.

MORDECAI MANASSEH NOAH.

It is understood that an abolition convention is to be held in this city during the present month, and it has been avowed in the official Gazette, attached to the interests of the delegates about to assembie, hat the question of repealing the Union between the North and the South, will be openly discussed on that occasion. This has been in part contradicted, but coupled with a declaration that no violence shall prevent the discharge of their duty. It is possible that the objects and intentions of this convention may have been misrepresented, for it is difficult to believe that even fanaticism, carried to its fullest extent, could have the boldness to broach doctrines of the most treasonable import, in the midst of a population devotedly at tached to the Union of the States. The people have an undoubted right to assemble and discuss any question connected with the maintenance of their own rights, and the free preservation of our free institutions; but it is unreason.able to suppose that, in any attempt to carry out the objects of this mecting, however ostensibly humane they may be, that such convention will be permitted to suggest, much less discuss, a project embracing a dissolution of our happy form of government. Should the experiment however be made, which would evidently tend to a disastrous breach of the public peace, it will be your duty to present the agitators, and indict every person whose active agency may lead to such results, and this Court by the rigid enforcement of the laws, will convince any body of men, making this city the theatre of their deliberations, that their objects and intentions must be strictly legal, rationable and justifiable.-Charge to the N. Y. Grand Jury, May, 1842.

JAMES WATSON WEBB.

No man not blind to future consequences, to all former examples, and to all the lessons of past experience, can hesitate a moment in foreseeing that the triumph of the abolitionists is a thousand times more likely to be consummated by the extermination of the masters, their wives and their children, than by the freedom and consequent happiness of the slaves.

As the enemies then of social order, of the rights of property, of the lives of hundreds of thousands of our brethren of the race of white men, their wives and their children, and as the vilifiers and sappers of our social institutions, Laws and Constitution, we say therefore, that the preachers, and expounders of such doctrines, are justly amenable to the laws of the land, as common and notorious disturbers of the public peace, enemies to the rights of property, and traitors to the country. We ground this assertion, not on any particular statute, but on that great and universal principle of the common law of nature, which recognizes, not only the right but the du. ty of every human being, and every human society to protect their property, their rights, and their lives.

Here are a set of fanatical railers, half foreign, half zealots, half hypocrite, railing and raving against the constitution, the laws, and the social institutions of the land, and denouncing them as directly at war with the rights of nature and the laws of God, of which they impiously and insolently pretend to be the sole interpreters, Careless of consequences, or what is more likely, cagerly anticipating the result of their labors, in the massacre of hundreds of thousands of their brethren, and the second act of the bloody drama of St. Domingo; despising the lessons of the past, the auguries of the future, and foaming at the mouth with the hydrophobia of fanaticism, they rush madly from city to city, calling on the people of the north to become their accomplices in the ruin, and extermination of their brothers of the south, and proclaiming with all the fury of the inspiration of darkness, a crusade against their own kindred, color and blood. And this they call philanthropy; this they blasphemously denominate a compliance with the scriptures, and the will of the great Being by whom their writers were inspired.-N. Y. Courier and Enquirer.

HENRY A. WISE.

"Let Texas once proclaim a crusade against the rich States to the south of her, and in a moment, volunteers would flock to her standard in crowds, from all the States in the great valley of the Mississippi-men of enterprise and valor before whom no Mexican troops could stand for an hour. They would leave their own towns, arm themselves, and travel ou their own cost, and would come up in thousands, to plant the lone star of the Texan banner, on the Mexi can capitol. They would drive Santa to the South, and the boundless wealth of captured towns, and rifled churches, and a lazy, vicious and luxurious priesthood, would soon enable Texas to pay her soldiery, and redeem her State debt, and push her victorious arms to the very shores of the Pacific. And would not all this extend the bounds of slavery? Yes, the result would be, that before another quarter of a century, the extension of slavery would not stop short of the Western Ocean. We had but two alternatives before us; either to receive Texas into our fraternity of States, and thus make her our own, or to leave her to conquer Mexico, and become our most dangerous and formidable rival.

"To talk of restraining the people of the great Valley from emigrating to join her armies, was all in vain; and it was equally vain to calculate on their defeat by any Mexican forces, aided by England or not. They had gone once already; it was they that conquered Santa Anna, at San Jacinto; and three fourths of them, after winning that glorious field, had peaceably returned to their homes. But once set before them the conquest of the rich Mexican provin. ces, and you might as well attempt to stop the wind. This Government might send its troops to the frontier, to turn them back, and they would run over them like a herd of buffalo.

"Nothing could keep these booted loafers from rushing on, till they kicked the Spanish priests out of the temples they profaned."Speech in Congress, April, 1842.