date of December 9, 1899 : Upon examination of the Lee Papers in this Library, I do not find any draft of the Declaration of Independence, nor any letter in reference thereto. Shortly before our great fire of Oct. 1895, one of our students made a Calendar of these Papers, by direction of our Professor of English Literature, with a view to having it printed. But the fire scattered the papers & perhaps destroyed some, and part of the Calendar was destroyed. This student is now in Japan, a Missionary. I think if there had been a draft of the D. of I. amongst the papers I would have heard of it. There

is certainly none now, nor are any facts in regard to it disclosed in the papers.

"

(Pickering

See note 50, chapter IV — evidently did not mean that the printed Declaration was with the original letter of Lee and the draft" as originally framed when copied.)

98 See, however, p. 144.

99 A facsimile may be found in Proceedings of The American Philosopbical Society, vol. 37. It is accompanied by an article by Dr. I. Minis Hays.

100 He died in 1794.

101 See, however, note 50, chapter VII, and p. 351.

102 No attention, of course, has been paid to these in the draft as found in the preceding pages; and even the few lines (underscoring words) which we think are Jefferson's (See note 103, post) have been omitted.

108 This word would naturally perhaps include the lines underscoring the words; and John Vaughan, Librarian of the Society, evidently so understood it, for, in 1841 (at the age of 85), he writes (as shown by a copy preserved in the Society) to the Prince de Joinville: "on the suggestion of Mr Jefferson, the Comparison was made by Richard Henry Lee & his Brother Arthur Lee, who drew a black line, upon the original draught proposed by the Committee, under every part rejected by Congress; & in the margin opposite, placed the Word Out."

We, however, believe that the line under "Christian", the line under "he" in "which he has deprived", the line under "he" in "whom he also obtruded", the line under "liberties" in "the liberties of one people and the line under "lives" in "against the lives of" are Jefferson's; for they not only look like his lines but these words (and these only) are underscored in the Pickering copy (See note 50, chapter VII) of this draft made (originally) in 1805.

104 It is not quite clear from this language whether he means that fair copies were made repeatedly during the composition of the instrument itself (that is, previous to its submission to Franklin and Adams) or during the amendments by Congress. The latter, however, seems improbable (and, in fact, see note 124, post); and, indeed, the former would seem to be his mean

ing. If so and the statement is true, other drafts preceded what is now known (See between pp. 144 and 145) as Jefferson's rough draft; but we know that no fair copy was made between the time when John Adams made his copy (See note 48, supra) and when the copy was made which was submitted to Congress. No such drafts have been preserved, however, nor is there any other mention of them; and it will be remembered that Jefferson himself endorsed what is now known as the rough draft as follows: "Independance Declaration of original Rough draught". Indeed, the fact shown in note 60, supra, would seem to prove that he did not always make a “fair copy" "whenever a copy became overcharged"; and we know that, in

1776, paper was quite expensive.

105 See note 104, supra. See note 24, chapter VI.

See pp. 347, 348, 349, 350 and 351.

106 This letter was evidently the result of a letter from Wallace, to Mrs. Randolph, dated Fauquier, Va., October 14th, which says: "[S]. . . it would appear that the patriotism of Richard Henry Lee was spurious, involuntary and freckled, being the fruit of sour disappointments from unsuccessful attempts to procure offices under the Crown, hence his sudden change from the King to the people, however popular, was nevertheless from want of political principle and not from pure countries good and love of political principle and Liberty . . . Being at the Lafayette dinner at Leesburg a toast was given which introduced a conversation anticipating the Biography of Richard Henry Lee, by his grandson: tis expected that nothing will be regarded if the fame of Lee can be raised: the old tale of his writing the declaration of Independence will be renewed . . . I beg, if consistent, after the view I have taken, that a full and general statement may reach me in your fathers hand writing, that I may Keep it in readiness to defeat the expected denunciations and pervertions of truth . . .”

107 On the contrary, they are to be found in the Appendix to the first

volume.

108 These corrections were made very likely after a fair copy to send was made.

109 See Jefferson's letter to John Adams, note 4, chapter IV.

110 Another portion of this letter may be found in note 50, chapter VII. 111 Jefferson says (See pp. 144 and 345) that no change was made in committee, but that a fair copy was reported to them and (unchanged) by them to Congress. See also pp. 141 and 143. Of course, however, as we have seen, slight amendments were suggested by John Adams and Franklin ; and, indeed, see note 55, supra.

112 It will be noted that this language is not the same as that found in his letter of February 25, 1840. Indeed, he makes still different statements

in Memoir, etc. Therein, he says (in the text): ". . . enclosing the original draught, which he had drawn in the committe[e], and also a copy of the declaration as adopted by Congress"; and (in the Appendix, as a heading for a copy there given of the draft in The American Philosophical Society): "Copy of the letter written by Thomas Jefferson to Richard Henry Lee, Esq. enclosing the original draft of the Declaration of Independence, as first reported."

118 See p. 349.

114 See p. 350.

115 See p. 351.

116 See p. 349. 117 See p. 350.

118 See p. 351.

119 Pendleton's letter to Jefferson last before the 10th (so far as his letters — formerly in the Department of State - now in the Library of Congress show) was dated August 3d, which would seem to prove at least that Pendleton received the copy of the Declaration after the 3d. It was received evidently in Jefferson's letter of July 29th of which Pendleton speaks; and it was elicited, we think, by Pendleton's next previous letter, one of July 22d (See p. 148).

120 Wythe does not mention any such draft, however, in his letter of July 27, 1776, to Jefferson, the only one (so far as his letters - formerly in the Department of State now in the Library of Congress show) which Wythe wrote to Jefferson previous to Wythe's return (See p. 215) to Philadelphia, nor in his letter to Jefferson of November 11, 1776, from Philadelphia, the first after Wythe's return (as similarly shown).

121 See note 7, chapter IV.

122 We have been unable to locate this.

128 This (See p. 351) was not what is commonly so called.

Indeed, it is quite evident that the Richmond Enquirer is speaking of one draft; the Philadelphia Union of another; and the Federal Republican of a

third.

124 This refers evidently to what is commonly so called; and the editor of the Philadelphia Union doubtless saw it at Jefferson's home, for Delaplaine, as we have seen, was shown it there in 1816 and Jefferson, as late as 1825, as also we have seen, speaks of it as being "now in my hands".

In considering this criticism, it should be borne in mind that Jefferson indicated (See between pp. 144 and 145) on this "Rough draught " the amendments by Congress.

125 If this is an accurate statement, we do not know how or when it came into the hands of the editor (See, however, note 50, chapter VII) or how or when it was returned to the Lees. It will be remembered that R. H. Lee, in Memoir, etc., (1825) writes that it has been . . . carefully preserved

by his family" and that, on August 9th of the same year, it was deposited in The American Philosophical Society.

126 Perhaps this will account for the fact that the original letter (See note 50, chapter VII) can no longer be found.

127 This, of course, was not what is usually so termed.

128 We have compared accurate copies of the drafts respectively in The American Philosophical Society, the New York Public Library (Lenox) and the Massachusetts Historical Society with this copy, in the hope of locating the draft "found among the literary reliques of the late venerable George Wythe"; but this was without avail, because of the failure of The Weekly Register to conform at all to Jefferson's peculiar spelling, capitalization, etc.

129 See note 8, chapter X.

180 See p. 345.

181 See p. 172.

182 The Madison papers were purchased of Dorothy (Dolly) P. Madison, the widow of the President, for $25,000: see Act of Congress of May 31, 1848.

188 See, however, various notes to the notes, p. 295.

184 Taken from The Freeman's Journal: or, the North-American Intelligencer (N) of January 1, 1783.

It is published as a letter from John Dickinson and headed: "To my Opponents in the late Elections of Councillor for the County of Philadelphia, and of President of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania.”

See notes 5 and 6, chapter VII.

The speech of Dickinson (See p. 159), as given by Bancroft, consists of parts of this " Vindication" changed into the present tense and linked together as he saw fit.

185 See note 7, chapter V; note 20 and Schuyler and Lewis Morris, note 39, chapter IX; and pp. 212 and 270.