of Government, to continue during the present unhappy and unnatural contest with Great Britain; protesting and declaring, that we never sought to throw off our dependence upon Great Britain . . . and that we shall rejoice if such a reconciliation . . . can be effected, as shall be approved by the Continental Congress, in whose prudence and wisdom we confide." 4

Massachusetts, on the contrary, on the 18th of the same month (January), fully empowered her Delegates (Hancock, the Adamses, Paine and Elbridge Gerry), "with the Delegates from the other American Colonies, to concert, direct, and order such further measures as shall to them appear best calculated for the recovery and establishment of American rights and liberties ❞— words which might be implied to include the power to join in a declaration of independence, though they evidently were not so intended and, as we shall see, were not so construed.

""

John Adams, who had left Congress, on leave of absence, December 9, 1775, and Gerry, who was elected 5 for the first time on the 18th (of January, 1776), proceeded together to Philadelphia and took their seats on February 9th.

Adams, in his Autobiography, tells us: "[J] Mr. Samuel Adams, Mr. Gerry and myself now composed a majority of the Massachusetts delegation, and we were no longer vexed or enfeebled by divisions among ourselves, or by indecision or indolence."

At another place in his Autobiography, - indistinctly intermingling his views following his return with those

of the preceding Fall, from his return after the adjournment on August 1st to his departure on the leave of absence — he says: "[J] At the appointed time [Wednesday, September 5, 1775], we returned to Philadelphia, and Congress were reassembled . . . almost every day I had something to say about advising the States to institute governments, to express my total despair of any good from. . . any of those things which were called conciliatory measures. I constantly insisted... that we should be driven to the necessity of declaring ourselves independent States, and that we ought now to be employed in preparing a plan of confederation for the Colonies and treaties together with a declaration of independence; that these three measures, independence, confederation, and negotiations with foreign powers, particularly France, ought to go hand in hand, and be adopted all together; that foreign powers could not be expected to acknowledge us till we had acknowledged ourselves, and taken our station among them as a sovereign power and independent nation

Some gentlemen doubted of the sentiments of France; thought she would frown upon us as rebels, and be afraid to countenance the example. I replied to those gentlemen, that I apprehended they had not attended to the relative situation of France and England; that it was the unquestionable interest of France that the . . . Colonies should be independent . .. When I first made these observations in Congress, I never saw a greater impression made upon that assembly or any other. Attention and approbation were marked upon every countenance. Several gentlemen came to me afterwards, to thank me

for that speech, particularly Mr. Cæsar Rodney, of Delaware, and Mr. Duane, of New York. I remember these two gentlemen in particular, because both of them said that I had considered the subject of foreign connections more maturely than any man they had ever heard in America . . . These and such as these, were my constant and daily topics, sometimes of reasoning and no doubt often of declamation, from the meeting of Congress in the autumn of 1775, through the whole winter and spring of 1776.8 Many motions were made, and after tedious discussions, lost. I received little assistance from my colleagues in all these contests; three of them were either inclined to lean towards Mr. Dickinson's system, or at least chose to be silent, and the fourth [Samuel Adams evidently] spoke but rarely in Congress, and never entered into any extensive arguments, though, when he did speak, his sentiments were clear and pertinent and neatly expressed. Mr. Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, Mr. Sherman, of Connecticut, and Mr. Gadsden 10, of South Carolina, were always on my side, and Mr. Chase ", of Maryland, when he did speak at all, was always powerful, and generally with us. Mr. Johnson 12, of Maryland, was the most frequent speaker from that State, and, while he remained with us, was inclined to Mr. Dickinson for some time, but ere long he and all his State came cordially into our system.'

Gerry writes, to James Warren, March 26th: "[0] You are desirous of knowing what capital measures are proposed in congress. I refer you to . . . . . what is done concerning privateering . . . This will not in itself satisfy you, and I hope nothing will, short of a determination of

America to hold her rank in the creation, and give law to herself. I doubt not this will soon take place . . . I sincerely wish you would originate instructions 13, expressed with decency and firmness- your own style your own style — and give your sentiments as a court in favour of independency. I am certain it would turn many doubtful minds, and produce a reversal of the contrary instructions adopted by some assemblies. Some timid minds are terrified at the word independence. If you think caution in this respect good policy, change the name. America has gone such lengths she cannot recede, and I am convinced a few weeks or months at furthest will convince her of the fact, but the fruit must have time to ripen in some of the other colonies . . ."14

Samuel Adams (who, not long before, had been "[SA] indisposd" in Baltimore, "so as to be obligd to keep my Chamber ten days, I was unable to travel with my Friends"; and to whom, on February 12th, his wife had written: "[SA] I Received your affectinate Letter by Fesenton and thank you for your Kind Concern for My health and Safty. I beg you Would not give your self any pain on our being so Near the Camp. the place I am in is so situated that if the Regulars should Even take prospect hill . . . I should be able to Make an Escape as I am Within a few stons Cast of a Back Road Which Leads to the Most Retired part of Newtown... ..... PS I beg you to Excuse the very poor Writing as My paper is Bad and my pen made with scissars I should be glad. if you should not come down soon you would Write me Word Who to apply to for some Monney for I am low in

Cash and Every thing is very dear ") writes, April 3d, to Dr. Samuel Cooper 15: "[SA] Is not America already independent? Why then not declare it? . . . Can Nations at War be said to be dependent either upon the other? I ask then again, why not declare for Independence? Because say some, it will forever shut the Door of Reconciliation . . . By such a Reconciliation she would not only in the most shameful Manner acknowledge the Tyranny, but most wickedly, as far as would be in her Power, prevent her Posterity from ever hereafter resisting it."

His words of the 15th to Joseph Hawley are equally forcible: "[SA] I am perfectly satisfied with the Reasons you offer to show the Necessity of a publick & explicit Declaration of Independency.—I cannot conceive what good Reason can be assignd against it. Will it widen the Breach? This would be a strange Question after we have raised Armies and fought Battles with the British Troops, set up an American Navy . . . It cannot surely after all this be imagind that we consider ourselves or mean to be considerd by others in any State but that of Independence But moderate Whigs are disgusted with our mentioning the Word! Sensible Tories are better Politicians.-They know, that no foreign Power can consistently yield Comfort to Rebels, or enter into any kind of Treaty with these Colonies till they declare themselves free and independent . . . moderate Gentlemen are flattering themselves with the prospect of Reconciliation . . .

The letter to Hawley was followed by one the next day to Warren: "[W] The only alternative is inde