obliged to break off all connection with Britain, and declare ourselves an independent people, there is any state or power in Europe who would be willing to enter into an alliance with us for the benefit of our commerce

Dr. Benjamin Church writes, July 23d: "The people of Connecticut are raving in the cause of liberty . . The Jerseys are not a whit behind Connecticut in zeal. The Philadelphians exceed them both . . . I mingled freely and frequently with the members of the Continental Congress; they were united and determined in opposition A view to independence appears to be more and more general."

John Adams writes, to James Warren, July 24th: "[J] We ought to have had in our hands, a month ago, the whole legislative, executive, and judicial of the whole continent, and have completely modelled a constitution; to have raised a naval power, and opened all our ports wide; to have arrested every friend of government on the continent and held them as hostages for the poor victims in Boston, and then opened the door as wide as possible for peace and reconciliation. After this, they might have petitioned, negotiated, addressed, &c. if they would."

This, with a letter to his wife, fell into the hands of the enemy and was sent to England and published. Adams, in his Autobiography, says: "[J] They [the British] thought them a great prize. The ideas of independence, to be sure, were glaring enough, and they thought they should produce quarrels among the members of Congress and a division of the Colonies. Me they expected utterly to ruin, because, as they repre

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sented, I had explicitly avowed my designs of independence. I cared nothing for this. I had made no secret, in or out of Congress, of my opinion that independence was become indispensable, and I was perfectly sure that in a little time the whole continent would be of my mind. I rather rejoiced in this as a fortunate circumstance, that the idea was held up to the whole world, and that the people could not avoid contemplating it and reasoning about it. Accordingly, from this time at least, if not earlier, and not from the publication of Common Sense,' did the people in all parts of the continent turn their attention to this subject. . . Colonel Reed . . . said that Providence seemed to have thrown those letters before the public for our good

A member of Congress writes, to London, August 26th: "All trade to England, and every other part of the world, will most certainly be stopped on the tenth of next month. . . Whether that will be one means of dissolving our connections entirely with Great Britain, I shall leave to wiser heads to determine. I am far, very far, from wishing such an event, but, nevertheless, I am very apprehensive, from the present temper of our people, that a few more violent steps will lay a foundation for it."

General Greene writes, to Washington from Prospect Hill, October 23d: "I hinted, in my last, that people begin heartily to wish a declaration of independence. . On December 20th, he says: "George the Third's last speech has shut the door of hope for reconciliation We are now driven to the necessity of making a declaration of independence.”

Bowdoin writes, to Samuel Adams, December 9th: << 49 Our salvation under God depends upon a spirited exertion upon our part, & therefore all delicacy in our hostilities ought to be laid aside . . . We have already shewn too much of it, which instead of attributing it to the true cause a desire on our part of a reconciliation & the keeping open a door for it-they have looked on as proceeding wholly from pusillanimity, which they expected would end, if rigorous measures were taken with us, in an abject submission . The Independence of America will probably grow out of the present dispute. A willing dependence on Great Britain cannot easily be apprehended, as her injuries have been so many & grevious, & all confidence in her justice is lost :- to such a degree lost, that we should not know how to trust her, even if she were sincerely to offer equitable terms of accommodation . . . I beg you would present my best regards to D. Franklin, Mr. Lynch, Col: Harrison, & the Mass: Delegates

The second Continental Congress also met (May 10th) in Philadelphia - but at the State House, not at Carpenters' Hall. Franklin 50 had left England on March 21st, had arrived in Philadelphia on May 5th and had been unanimously chosen a Delegate by Pennsylvania on the 6th. The other new Delegates who appeared in Congress on the 10th were John Hancock 50 51 of Massachusetts, John Langdon 52 of New Hampshire, Thomas Willing 3 of Pennsylvania and John Hall of Maryland. Still others attended later: Lyman Hall 50 55 from the Parish of St. John's in Georgia and Thomas Stone 50 56 of Mary

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57

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land on the 13th; Philip Schuyler ", George Clinton 57 58, Lewis Morris (who arrived in Philadelphia on the 10th) and Robert R. Livingston 57 of New York and James Wilson 5053 of Pennsylvania on the 15th; Jefferson 50 59 of Virginia on June 21st; and Archibald Bullock 0, John Houston and Rev. J. J. Zubly of Georgia on September 13th. New York had elected for the first time also Francis Lewis 50 57 61 On the last day (September 13th) appeared as well George Wythe 50 62, Thomas Nelson, Jr., 50 62 and Francis Lightfoot Lee 50 62 of Virginia—who had been elected for the first time following the adjournment of Congress. Following this adjournment, New Hampshire also elected one Delegate - Josiah Bartlett 506; North Carolina also one new Delegate-John Penn 50 65; Connecticut also two new Delegates -Samuel Huntington 50 66 67 and Oliver Wolcott 50 66 67 (together with one new alternate - William Williams 50 66 68); Pennsylvania two new Delegates

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Robert Morris 50 69 and Andrew Allen 69; Maryland two new Delegates - Robert Alexander 70 and John Rogers 70; and Virginia one new Delegate Carter Braxton "1.

Randolph was for the second time elected Presi

dent.

He served, however, for a few days only. On the 24th of May, as shown by the Journal, "The Congress met according to adjournment, but the honble Peyton Randolph Prest being under a necessity of returning home & having set out this morning early the chair was vacant wherefore on motion, the Honble John Hancock 72 was unanimously chosen President."

This Congress, during the year, like the Congress of 1774, took no action whatever upon the question of independence.

John Adams writes to his wife, June 11th: "[Ad] I have found this Congress like the last. When we first came together, I found a strong jealousy of us from New England, and the Massachusetts in particular; suspicions entertained of designs of independency; an American Republic; Presbyterian principles, and twenty other things. Our sentiments were heard in Congress with great caution, and seemed to make but little impression; but the longer we sat, the more clearly they saw the necessity of pushing vigorous measures. It has been so now . . . But America is a great unwieldy body. Its progress must be slow . . . Like a coach and six, the swiftest horses must be slackened, and the slowest quickened, that all may keep an even pace."

Franklin, in a letter of October 3d, says: "[X] We have as yet resolved only on defensive measures."

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The spirit which prevailed in the body is well shown by an incident described by Jefferson in his Autobiography: "[S] mr Dickinson . . . still retained the object of reconciliation . . . he was so honest a man, and so able a one that he was greatly indulged even by those who could not feel his scruples . . . Congress gave a signal proof of their indulgence to mr Dickinson, and of their great desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of our body, in permitting him to draw their second petition to the king according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely any amendment. the disgust against it's humility was general; and mr Dickinson's delight at