the 31st by the regular Committee of the County2; or that those of the 31st were a revised set $3.

43

The passage in May, 1775, of even such resolutions as are given in The South-Carolina Gazette, etc., however, are greatly to the credit of Mecklenburg County; but they do not take from the fame of Jefferson.

It was not until Lexington and Concord - followed shortly by the death of Warren at Bunker Hill - that a declaration of independence became even a possibility.

44

Jefferson writes, May 7th, to Dr. William Small: "This accident has cut off our last hope of reconciliation, and a phrenzy of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people . . . This may perhaps be intended to intimidate into acquiescence; but the effect has been most unfortunately otherwise." 45

Samuel Adams, according to his biographer, came to the second Continental Congress (May 10th) "[W] impressed with the necessity of an immediate declaration of independence." (Indeed, there is a note among the Bancroft papers in the New York Public Library, Lenox, which says: "Sam' Adams said to Rush: For seven years before the commencement of the war [i. e. from 1768] independence has been the first wish of my heart.")

Franklin, May 16th, sends a letter to London in which he says: "[X] The breach between the two countries is grown wider, and in danger of becoming irreparable"; and, on December 9th, he writes, to Charles W. F. Dumas: "[X] . ... we wish to know whether if, as it seems likely to happen, we should be

...

obliged to break off all connection with Britain, and declare ourselves an independent people, there is any state or power in Europe who would be willing to enter into an alliance with us for the benefit of our commerce.

Dr. Benjamin Church writes, July 23d: "The people of Connecticut are raving in the cause of liberty . . . The Jerseys are not a whit behind Connecticut in zeal. The Philadelphians exceed them both . . . I mingled freely and frequently with the members of the Continental Congress; they were united and determined in opposition A view to independence appears to be more and more general."

John Adams writes, to James Warren, July 24th: "[J] We ought to have had in our hands, a month ago, the whole legislative, executive, and judicial of the whole continent, and have completely modelled a constitution; to have raised a naval power, and opened all our ports wide; to have arrested every friend of government on the continent and held them as hostages for the poor victims in Boston, and then opened the door as wide as possible for peace and reconciliation. After this, they might have petitioned, negotiated, addressed, &c. if they would."

This, with a letter to his wife, fell into the hands of the enemy and was and was sent to England and published. Adams, in his Autobiography", says: "[J] They [the British] thought them a great prize. The ideas of independence, to be sure, were glaring enough, and they thought they should produce quarrels among the members of Congress and a division of the Colonies. Me they expected utterly to ruin, because, as they repre

sented, I had explicitly avowed my designs of independence. I cared nothing for this. I had made no secret, in or out of Congress, of my opinion that independence was become indispensable, and I was perfectly sure that in a little time the whole continent would be of my mind. I rather rejoiced in this as a fortunate circumstance, that the idea was held up to the whole world, and that the people could not avoid contemplating it and reasoning about it. Accordingly, from this time at least, if not earlier, and not from the publication of Common Sense,' did the people in all parts of the continent turn their attention to this subject. Colonel Reed ..

said that Providence seemed to have thrown those letters before the public for our good.

A member of Congress writes, to London, August 26th: "All trade to England, and every other part of the world, will most certainly be stopped on the tenth of next month Whether that will be one means of dissolving our connections entirely with Great Britain, I shall leave to wiser heads to determine. I am far, very far, from wishing such an event, but, nevertheless, I am very apprehensive, from the present temper of our people, that a few more violent steps will lay a foundation for it."

General Greene writes, to Washington from Prospect Hill, October 23d: "I hinted, in my last, that people begin heartily to wish a declaration of independence . On December 20th, he says: "George the Third's last speech has shut the door of hope for reconciliation We are now driven to the necessity of making a declaration of independence."

obliged to break off all connection with Britain, and declare ourselves an independent people, there is any state or power in Europe who would be willing to enter into an alliance with us for the benefit of our commerce . . .'

Dr. Benjamin Church writes, July 23d: "The people of Connecticut are raving in the cause of liberty . . . The Jerseys are not a whit behind Connecticut in zeal. The Philadelphians exceed them both . . . I mingled freely and frequently with the members of the Continental Congress; they were united and determined in opposition A view to independence appears to be more and more general."

John Adams writes, to James Warren, July 24th: "[J] We ought to have had in our hands, a month ago, the whole legislative, executive, and judicial of the whole continent, and have completely modelled a constitution ; to have raised a naval power, and opened all our ports. wide; to have arrested every friend of government on the continent and held them as hostages for the poor victims in Boston, and then opened the door as wide as possible for peace and reconciliation. After this, they might have petitioned, negotiated, addressed, &c. if they would."

This, with a letter to his wife, fell into the hands of the enemy and was sent to England and published. Adams, in his Autobiography", says: "[J] They [the British] thought them a great prize. The ideas of independence, to be sure, were glaring enough, and they thought they should produce quarrels among the members of Congress and a division of the Colonies. Me they expected utterly to ruin, because, as they repre

sented, I had explicitly avowed my designs of independence. I cared nothing for this. I had made no secret, in or out of Congress, of my opinion that independence was become indispensable, and I was perfectly sure that in a little time the whole continent would be of my mind. I rather rejoiced in this as a fortunate circumstance, that the idea was held up to the whole world, and that the people could not avoid contemplating it and reasoning about it. Accordingly, from this time at least, if not earlier, and not from the publication of Common Sense,' did the people in all parts of the continent turn their attention to this subject. . . Colonel Reed . . . said that Providence seemed to have thrown those letters before the public for our good

A member of Congress writes, to London, August 26th: "All trade to England, and every other part of the world, will most certainly be stopped on the tenth of next month .. Whether that will be one means of dissolving our connections entirely with Great Britain, I shall leave to wiser heads to determine. I am far, very far, from wishing such an event, but, nevertheless, I am very apprehensive, from the present temper of our people, that a few more violent steps will lay a foundation for it."

General Greene writes, to Washington from Prospect Hill, October 23d: "I hinted, in my last, that people begin heartily to wish a declaration of independence. On December 20th, he says: "George the Third's last speech has shut the door of hope for reconciliation We are now driven to the necessity of making a declaration of independence."