Ʌ free Ʌ us whom he also obtruded them: thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another.] II. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injuries. Λ a prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be a ruler of a people [who mean to be free. future ages will scarcely believe that the hardiness of one man adventured, within the short compass of twelve years only, to lay a foundation so broad & so undisguised for tyranny over a people fostered & fixed in principles of freedom.] : Λ Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. we have warned them from time to time of attempts by an unwarrantable their legislature to extend[a] jurisdiction over [these our states.] we have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration. & settlement here, [no one of which could warrant so strange a pretension that these were effected at the expence of our own blood & treasure, unassisted by the wealth or strength of Great Britain that in constituting indeed our several forms of government, we had adopted one common king, thereby laying a foundation for perpetual league & amity with them: but that submission to their parliament was no part of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may be credited: and]46 we appealed to their native justice and magnanimity [as well as to] the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations which [were likely to] interrupt our connection and correspondence. they too have been deaf to the voice of justice & of consanguinity, [and when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have by their free election, re-established them in power at this very time too they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only souldiers of our common blood, A have and we have conjured them by would inevitably Λ Λ Λ but Scotch 48 & foreign mercenaries to invade & destroy us. these facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce forever these unfeeling brethren. we must endeavor to forget our former love for them, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. we might have been a free and a great people together; but a communication of grandeur & of freedom it seems is below their dignity. be it so, since they will have it. the road to happiness & to glory is open to us too. we will tread it apart from them, Awe must therefore and] acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our [eternal] and hold them as separation! Λ we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends, 12. Λ [The following is on the reverse side of page 11:] We therefore the representatives of the United states of America in General Congress assembled do in the name, & by the authority of the good people of these [states reject & renounce all allegiance & subjection to the kings of Great Britain & all others who may hereafter claim by, through or under them: we utterly dissolve all political connection which may heretofore have subsisted between us & the people or parliament of Great Britain & finally we do assert & declare these colonies to be free & independant states,] & that as free & independant states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, & to do all other acts & things which independant states may of right do. and for the support of this declaration we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes & our sacred honour. We therefore the representatives of the United states of America in General Congrefs assembled, appealing to the supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do in the name, & by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish & declare that these United colonies are & of right ought to be free & independant states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them & the state of Great Britain is, & ought to be, totally dissolved; & that as free & independant states they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce & to do all other acts & things which independant states may of right do. and for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes & our sacred honour. Jefferson evidently was not pleased at these amendments; for he writes, to R. H. Lee, July 8th: 50 For news I refer you to your brother [Francis Lightfoot Lee] who writes on that head. I inclose you a copy of the Declaration of Independance as agreed to by the house, & also as originally framed. you will judge whether it is the better or worse for the critics. I shall return to Virginia after the 11th of Aug. I wish my successor may be certain to come before that time. in that case I shall hope to see you & mr Wythe1 in Convention, that the business of government which is of everlasting concern may receive your aid." Nor, if he himself can be believed, did he accept them with the stoicism of a born-politician; for, in a letter 52 to Robert Walsh, written at Monticello, December 4, 1818, he says: "[P] I state a few anecdotes of D! Franklin, within my own knolege," among which is the following: "[P] When the Declaration of Independance was under the consideration of Congress, there were two or three unlucky expressions in it which gave offence to some members. The words "Scotch and other foreign auxiliaries" excited the ire of a gentleman or two of that country. severe strictures on the conduct of the British king, in negativing our repeated repeals of the law which permitted the importation of slaves, were disapproved by some Southern gentlemen, whose reflections were not yet matured to the full abhorrence of that traffic. altho' the offensive expressions were immediately yielded, these gentlemen continued their depredations on other parts of the instrument. I was sitting 3 by D! Franklin, who perceived that I was not insensible to these mutilations. "I have made it a rule, said he, whenever in my power, 53 to avoid becoming the draughtsman of papers to be reviewed by a public body. I took my lesson from an incident which I will relate to you. when I was a journeyman printer, one of my companions, an apprentice Hatter, having served out his time, was about to open shop for himself. his first concern was to have a handsome signboard, with a proper inscription. he composed it in these words "John Thompson, Hatter, makes and sells hats for ready money," with a figure of a hat subjoined. but he thought he would submit it to his friends for their amendments. the first he shewed it to thought the word "Hatter," tautologous, because followed by the words "makes hats" which shew he was a Hatter. it was struck the next observed that the word "makes" might as well be omitted, because his customers would not care who made the hats. if good & to their mind, they would buy, by whomsoever made. he struck it out. a third said he thought the words "for ready money," were useless as it was not the custom of the place to sell on credit. every one who purchased expected to pay. they were parted with, and the inscription now stood "John Thomson sells hats." "sells hats" says his next friend? why nobody will expect you to give them away. what then is the use of that word? it was stricken out, and hats" followed it, the rather, as there was one painted on the board. so his inscription was reduced ultimately to "John Thomson" with the figure of a hat subjoined." out. We have the opinions of a few others also of the amendments. Bartlett writes, July 1st: "The Declaration before Congress is, I think, a pretty good one. I hope it will not be spoiled by canvassing in Congress." 57 55 54 Mrs. Abigail Adams', R. H. Lee's and Pendleton's letters of July 14th, July 21st and August 10th, respectively, are given elsewhere. John Adams, in his letter of 1822 to Pickering, says: "[Ms] Congress cut off about a quarter part of it, as I expected they would, but they obliterated some of the best of it and left all that was exceptionable, if anything in it was. I have long wondered that the original draft has not been published. I suppose the reason is the vehement Phillipic against Negro Slavery." "[H] It was two o'clock 56 in the afternoon", says Lossing (though upon what authority he does not state, and, we think, with little, if any, warrant)," when the final decision 58 was announced by Secretary Thomson . . . when the secretary sat down, a deep silence pervaded that august assembly. Thousands of anxious citizens had gathered in the streets 59 . . . From the hour when Congress convened in the morning, the old bellman had been in the steeple. He placed a boy at the door below, to give him notice when the announcement should be made. As hour succeeded hour, the gray-beard shook his head, and said, 'They will never do it! they will never do it!' Suddenly a loud shout came up from below, and there stood the blue-eyed boy, clapping his hands and shouting, Ring! ring!' Grasping the iron tongue of the old bell . . . backward and forward he hurled it a hundred times, its loud voice proclaiming 'Liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof.' The excited multitude in the streets responded with loud acclamations, and with cannon-peals, bonfires, and illuminations, the patriots held glorious carnival that night in the quiet city of Penn." |