Independent States in order that when passed the same may be transmitted to our Delegates at the Continental Congress, and that Messrs. Hurd, Wyseman Clagett & the Sec [Thompson] be added to the Committee."

On the 14th, Bartlett's letter of the 6th arrived; and, on the 15th, "[NH] The Committee of both Houses. . . made Report as made Report as on file-which report being read and considered, Voted Unanimously, That the Report of said Committee be received and accepted, and that the Dra't by them bro't in be sent to our Delegates at the Continental Congress forthwith, as the sence of this House."

Folsom, in acknowledging, on the 15th, Bartlett's letter (of the 6th), says: "[N] I yesterday received yours of the 6th instant . . . I doubt not you will be pleased to hear that a prety General harmony in the Grand American Cause Prevails here- the vote for independency you will see is unanim' in both Houses

. I wish you the divine blssing at the Congress — I doubt not if we remain firm & united we shall under god disappoint the Sanguenary designs of ouer Enemies"

The instructions were " [NH] to join with the other Colonies in declaring The Thirteen United Colonies, A FREE & INDEPENDENT STATE

ful.

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Massachusetts also was, of course, in no sense doubt

We have already learned somewhat of the views of three of her Delegates of Gerry and of the "famous Samuel and John Adams ".

Hancock's position is less clear.

"Laco" (generally admitted to be Stephen Higginson)-speaking of the part he "acted as a member of Congress; and how far he contributed to effect our national independence" thus expresses himself in The Massachusetts Centinel (C) of February 21, 1789: "Mr. H. was happy in having for his colleagues men . . . who were resolved, for political purposes, to support him and make him conspicuous. They accordingly obtained his appointment to the chair of Congress. But, being elevated to the highest point, through their agency, he thought them no longer necessary to his importance; and from the vanity and caprice, inherent in his nature, he attached himself to the tories, who were then in Congress. These men had perceived his love of flattery In all questions for decisive measures against Britain, he hung back; and very much contributed to obstruct the Declaration of Independence . . . When the important hour arrived, that was to give birth to our country, as a nation when the pulse of his colleagues, as well as of the majority of Congress, and of the people at large, beat high for independence, and it was found the important question could no longer be put off, Mr. H. then gave a vote in favour of the measure, and put his official signature to that memorable act . . . With these facts in our mind, which are very notorious, and which Mr. S. A. and others can at any time verify, we naturally wonder, and smile at the extraordinary merit Mr. H. has assumed to himself, from the publication of that Declaration, with his name as President. The Secretary of Congress has as good a title to superiour respect, for having certi

fied the copy, as Mr. H. has for having signed the original- they were both mere official, mechanical acts, without any responsibility; such as the most timid man upon the continent, in their situations, would not have hesitated to perform. Had Mr. H. been a zealous promoter of the measure, he would then have been entitled to an equal share of veneration with those of his colleagues, who were advocates for it; but, having been opposed to it until it became inevitable, and reluctantly drawn in with his vote in its favour, at the last moment, we ought to resent his vanity and assurance, in claiming our first esteem and respect on that occasion."

Indeed, John Adams, in his Autobiography 52, says that, on March 15th, for the first time, Harrison was made chairman of the committee of the whole; that, during the succeeding weeks, the same honor was often conferred upon him; and that "[J] Mr. Hancock, had hitherto nominated Governor Ward 53, of Rhode Island, to that conspicuous position. Mr. Harrison had courted Mr. Hancock, and Mr. Hancock had courted Mr. Duane, Mr. Dickinson, and their party, and leaned so partially in their favor, that Mr. Samuel Adams had become very bitter against Mr. Hancock, and spoke of him with great asperity in private circles; and this alienation between them continued from this time till the year 1789, thirteen years, when they were again reconciled. Governor Ward was become extremely obnoxious to Mr. Hancock's party, by his zealous attachment to Mr. Samuel Adams and Mr. Richard Henry Lee."

Whatever may have been Hancock's views, and especially before R. H. Lee offered the resolution, we

55

know, however, that, on that, on June 11th, Hancock writes, to Washington: "We have been two days in a Committee of the whole, deliberating on three capital matters, the most important in their nature of any that have yet been before us, and have sat till seven oclock in the evening each day"; on July 1st, also to Washington: "[S]. the Congress. have by a particular appointm! had under consideration a momentuous matter this day My next will Inform you I hope of some very decisive measures"; and, on July 6th, to the same patriot: "[S] The Congress, for some Time past, have had their Attention occupied by one of the most interesting and important Subjects that could possibly come before them; or any other Assembly of Men. Altho it is not possible to foresee the Consequences of Human Actions, yet it is nevertheless a Duty we owe ourselves and Posterity, in all our public Counsels, to decide in the best Manner we are able, and to leave the Event to that Being who controuls both Causes and Events to bring about his own Determination. Impressed with this Sentiment, and at the same Time fully convinced, that our Affairs may take a more favourable Turn, the Congress have judged it necessary to dissolve the Connection between Great Britain and the American Colonies, and to declare them free & independent States; as you will perceive by the enclosed Declaration, which I am directed to transmit to you, and to request you will have it proclaimed at the Head of the Army in the Way, you shall think most proper."

With what interest must the Delegates in Philadelphia have watched for the news from the doubtful Colonies!

We get some idea of the feeling there from 56 two letters of Whipple, dated June 17th and 24th: "[BT] This day fortnight I expect the grand question will be determined in Congress, that being the day assigned to receive the report of a Committee who are preparing a Declaration. - there is a great change here since my arrival [February 28th] as there was in New Hampshire between the time that the powder was taken from the fort and the battle of Bunker Hill... Affairs go on bravely as you'll see by the papers." "[BT] The middle Colonies are getting in a good way. Next Monday being the first of July, the grand question is to be debated and I believe determined unanimously. May God unite our hearts in all things that tend to the well being of the rising Empire."

I

The next day (the 25th), Gerry writes to James Warren: "I think we are in a fair way to a speedy Declaration of Independency New-Jersey has appointed five new Delegates, and instructed them to vote in favour of the question; and it appears to me that there is not a doubt of any Colony on the continent, except New-York and Maryland. These will not impede us a moment. do not affirm that either of these is of the neuter gender; but on the other hand am persuaded the people are in favour of a total and final separation, and will support the measure, even if the Conventions and Delegates ... vote against it. Since my first arrival in this city [February 9th] the New-England Delegates have been in a continual war with the advocates of Proprietary interests in Congress and this Colony [Pennsylvania]. These are they who are most in the way of the measures