Henry Lee. On the 3d, they met Matthew Tilghman (perhaps) and Cæsar Rodney.

Two days later (Monday, the 5th of September, the day which had been set for the meeting), "At ten”, writes John Adams in his Diary, "the delegates3 all met at the City Tavern, and walked to the Carpenters' Hall, where they took a view of the room, and of the chamber where is an excellent library; there is also a long entry where gentlemen may walk, and a convenient chamber opposite to the library. The general cry was, that this was a good room

Thus began what has since become known as the First Continental Congress.

47

The Journal shows us that, on this day, Cushing, Samuel 45 and John 46 Adams and Paine 7 of Massachusetts, Sullivan and Folsom of New Hampshire, Stephen Hopkins and Samuel Ward of Rhode Island, Eliphalet Dyer, Deane and Sherman 48 of Connecticut, James Duane', John Jay 10, Philip Livingston", Isaac Low and William Floyd 412 of New York, James Kinsey, William Livingston 13, John De Hart, Steven Crane and Richard Smith of New Jersey, Joseph Galloway, Samuel Rhoads, Mifflin, Charles Humphreys, John Morton and Edward Biddle of Pennsylvania, Rodney 11, M:Kean and George Read1 of Delaware, Robert Goldsborough, William Paca115 and Samuel Chase 4 16 of Maryland, Randolph, Washington, Henry, Richard Bland, Harrison 417 and Pendleton of Virginia and Henry Middleton, John and Edward 418 Rutledge, Christopher Gadsden and Thomas Lynch 19 of South Carolina were present. R. H. Lee 420 21 of Virginia and Thomas John

4 15

son, Jr., of Maryland took their seats on the next day. Tilghman of Maryland did not attend until the 12th; William Hooper and Joseph Hewes of North Carolina, Henry Wisner 22 and John Alsop 23 of New York and George Ross of Pennsylvania until the 14th; Richard Caswell of North Carolina until the 17th; John Herring of New York until the 26th; Simon Boerum of New York until October 1st; and John Dickinson of Pennsylvania until October 17th.

25

24

Randolph was unanimously chosen President; and Charles Thomson of Pennsylvania became 26 Secretary.

This Congress agreed not to import, after the 1st of December, any goods, wares or merchandise from Great Britain or Ireland, or any East India tea, or any molasses, syrups, paneles, coffee or pimento from the British plantations or Dominica, or any wines from Madeira or the Western Islands or any foreign indigo; and the Delegates embodied in the agreement a nonconsumptive clause, binding themselves, as an effectual security for the observation of the non-importation. It was the beginning of the American Union.

Toward declaring independence, however, the First Continental Congress took no action whatever; nor does such a measure seem to have been considered even as a possibility.

Indeed, the association spoken of, of October 20th, itself avowed allegiance to his Majesty; and the address of this Congress to the King stated that the Colonists yielded to no other British subjects in affectionate attachment to his Majesty's person, family and government.

Nor was there any real thought of independence among the people at large; though Hooper writes, to James Iredell, April 26th: "[I] They [the Colonies] are striding fast to independence, and ere long will build an empire upon the ruin of Great Britain; will adopt its constitution purged of its impurities, and from an experience of its defects will guard against those evils which have wasted its vigor and brought it to an untimely end . . . I know too well your reverence for our Constitution not to forgive it in another, although it borders upon enthusiasm.”

On May 31st, John Scollay writes-from Boston! to Arthur Lee: "We have too great a regard for our parent State (although cruelly treated by some of her. illegitimate sons) to withdraw our connection." The General Assembly of New Jersey declared, July 21st, that their people and, indeed, the whole country " detest all thoughts of an independence Even Washington, in a letter to Captain Mackenzie, written in October, says: "[H] Give me leave to add, and I think I can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest of that government [Massachusetts], or any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence."

These views are borne out by a letter dated April 12, 1776, from "A. B." to Alexander Pardie: "It may, with certainty, be affirmed, that, among the ends which the Colonies (from South-Carolina to New York, inclusively) had in view when they began the present contest, independence held no place; and that the NewEngland Governments, if they had it in view at all, considered it as a remote and contingent object."

Most of the few who desired a separation lived in or about Boston. "A view to independence grows more and more general" appears in a letter from Dr. Benjamin Church intercepted by Washington at Cambridge

in October.

There, Samuel Adams was a central figure.

On April 4th, he writes to Arthur Lee: "[W]. . . if the British administration and government do not return to the principles of moderation and equity, the evil which they profess to aim at preventing by their rigorous measures, will the sooner be brought to pass, viz.— the entire separation and independence of the Colonies. . . It requires but a small portion of the gift of discernment for anyone to foresee that Providence will erect a mighty empire in America . . .

Of the opinions of John Adams during this year re ́specting independence, we have found no contemporaneous record; but a letter to Timothy Pickering, describing the trip to Philadelphia, written many years later (August 6, 1822) says: "[Ms] I can write nothing which will not be suspected of personal vanity, local prejudice or Provincial & State partiality. As M. Hancock was sick and confined M' Bowdoin was chosen at the head of the Massachusetts delegation to Congress. His relations thought his great fortune ought not to be hazarded. Cushing, two Adams's and Paine were met at Frankfort by D' Rush, M' Mifflin, M' Bayard and several others of the most active Sons of Liberty, in Philadelphia, who desired a conference with us. We invited them to take Tea with us in a private apartment. They asked leave to give us some information and advice, which we

thankfully granted. They represented to us, that the friends of Government in Boston and in the Eastern States, in their correspondence with their friends in Pennsylvania and all the Southern States, had represented us as four desperate adventurers. M' Cushing was a harmless kind of man; but poor, and wholly dependent upon his popularity for his subsistence. M' Samuel Adams was a very artful designing man, but desperately poor and wholly dependent on his popularity with the lowest vulgar for his living. John Adams and M' Paine were two young Lawyers of no great talents reputation or weight, who had no other means of raising themselves into consequence but by courting popularity. We were all suspected of having Independence in view. Now, said they, you must not utter the word Independence, nor give the least hint or insinuation of the idea, neither in Congress or any private conversation; if you do-you are undone; for the idea of Independence is as unpopular in Pennsylvania and in all the middle and Southern States as the Stamp Act itself. No Man dares to speak of it. Moreover, you are the Representatives of the suffering State . . . you are thought to be too warm, too zealous, too sanguine, you must be therefore very cautious. You must not come forward with any bold measures: you must not pretend to take the lead. You know Virginia is the most populous State in the Union. They are very proud of their antient Dominion, as they call it; they think they have a right to take the lead, and the Southern States and the middle States too, are too much disposed to yield it to them. This . . made a deep impression on my mind and it had an equal