AFTER the survey taken in our last volume of the political world and its principal actors, the present aspect of both affords little room for additional remark. The Oppositions, both Whig and popular, continued in the active exercise of their functions; but, while they diligently watched the movements of ministry, they scarcely felt a hope, or exerted an effort, to drive them from their seats. Britain never had so independent a Parliament. There was less of the means of influence, and less of the spirit of devoted partizanship, than at any former period. The stability of ministers rested on a surer and more permanent basis. Instead of endeavouring to secure themselves by high stretches of authority, by a course of favouritism and patronage, and by urging on the zeal of their partizans, they attained this object by acting on a system liberal, constitutional, and conciliatory towards all

classes. They hesitated no longer in selecting from every political creed whatever it contained that promised to be salutary, without exception even of those whose votaries had manifested the strongest hostility to themselves, or whose views had excited most alarm in the public mind. In their present adoption, however, these measures were so far tempered and modified, as not to revolt any judicious advocate of the established system. The popular leaders, in return, had, in a great measure, exchanged their course of rude and sweeping attack against all established men and systems, for one of cool stricture and practical inquiry. On the other hand, there was formed behind ministry a sort of ultra-ministerial party, who complained, that ministers acted under a pusillanimous dread of opponents whom they ought to have contemned and despised; that they had entered on a