It would have been ungenerous, while Spain was engaged in a struggle with France, to have sanctioned any inroad on her colonial possessions; and it would now be ungenerous to do so before Spain could be regarded as fairly in possession of her own means, which was not the case at present, as, coming out of a war, she was seen in a state of comparative weakness and exhaustion. Ten months ago, ministers had decla

red their conviction of the actual separation, but observed, that the question of recognition must depend upon circumstances. He rejoiced that it had not been given during the period when Spain was distracted by a foreign contest; and his Majesty was still able to declare himself completely unfettered, unbound by any pledge or compact, and at full liberty to take that course which might be dictated by the interests of the country. On this subject our answer had been given to the court of Spain. It was now on its way to Madrid, and a time would probably arrive when ministers might be more explicit.

Lord Liverpool expressed the same sentiments, not quite at such full length.

Ireland was a subject touched upon at considerable length by the seconders of the motion, who were both Irish, and both expressed liberal sentiments as to that country and its present unfortunate condition. Lord Lorton conceived that the causes of the situation of Ireland were beyond the control of any ministers. They were perhaps to be found in the moral state of the people. From their natural capacities they had always been deemed capable of being made a strength and ornament to any country: but that fine population possessed none of the advantages enjoyed by the natives of this side of the Channel, and great allowances ought to be made for his unfortunate countrymen. One of their greatest

wants was that of the circulation of the Scriptures. It was prohibited by their religious ministers through the greatest part of Ireland, and the consequence was, that the people were left in a state of the grossest superstition, and imbibed a spirit hostile to their rulers. The noble marquis at the head of the Irish government had more obstacles to surmount than could have been expected. He had not flinched from them. He had applied his great talents to overcome them, and he sincerely hoped that he would succeed. Their lordships were not aware of the exact state of that country. It was there that an imperium in imperio was really to be found; and that imperium must be subdued and brought under before Ireland could be made what it was capable of becoming. He conceived that much might be done by the proprietors if they resided in Ireland, and encouraged a spirit of industry among the peasantry. Some were already adopting this system, and others, he hoped, would follow their example. He hoped much from the Ladies' Society for improving the condition of the females of Ireland.

Mr Daly, in the Commons, avowed sentiments particularly liberal on the subject of political privileges to be granted to the Catholics. The present improved situation of that country he thought he might fairly attribute to the administration; but, as he had before observed, much remained to be done. He could not forbear touching on one topic, which he considered as one of considerable importance. He meant the question of extending the benefits of the constitution to all classes in the kingdom; and especially to those who only knew of the existence of those benefits by the bars which excluded them from their enjoyment. He thought every other measure for improving the situation of the Irish people would fail, or at least

would be diminished in effect, unless that to which he had alluded were added; for every such measure must be offered to a divided people.

Mr Brougham, whose attention was engrossed by remoter subjects, hastily observed that some of the topics of the honourable seconder had given him unfeigned pleasure and delight; he meant the latter part of that honourable gentleman's speech, from which it appeared that at length government had determined to rule Ireland on some intelligible and consistent principle, not raising up and abetting one party to thwart the other in its endeavours to possess itself of those constitutional rights, which the honourable seconder had so truly and so eloquently said they knew not even the existence of, except by the bars which shut them out from their enjoyment.

The Marquis of Lansdowne referred to future occasions for the full discussion of questions connected with Ireland. At present he should content himself with observing, that a great deal had certainly been done to palliate the evils which prevailed there; but the root of the evil lay much deeper than the remedies yet applied were calculated to reach.

On this subject Mr Canning took occasion to declare his adherence to his former opinion on the subject of the Catholic question, and defend himself against the charge of inconsistency, because he acted with an administration, some of whose members were hos

upon

tile to it. He conceived that, among the present public men, a cabinet could not be formed, united that subject, and at the same time capable of acting together upon other great points. For this reason, even when the formation of a cabinet had been referred by the Prince Regent to Lord Wellesley and himself, he had made no attempt to form one upon this principle, but had immediately proposed that Lord Liverpool should be invited to become a member. He hoped that in time the prejudices which now existed would be reasoned down, and that a prospect of success would be afforded to the question, which, he was sorry to say, he could not see at present. In whatever shape, and by whomsoever brought forward, from him, whether in or out of office, that question would always receive the best support which he could give it, and which he had always given it from the year 1812.

Mr Peel here took occasion to declare, that his sentiments on this great point continued unaltered; while Mr Hume regretted the policy of minis ters, as tending to perpetuate the divisions in Ireland.

There remained only the West India question, upon which, generally speaking, that reserve was maintained which had been so strongly recommended in his Majesty's speech; and nothing took place beyond some slight allusions.

ALTHOUGH foreign affairs had ceased to excite the same intense interest as at the commencement of the former session, and all the hopes formed relative to foreign Europe had ended in disaster and disappointment, yet this subject still presented features of such importance as to give precedence to it over any other. The catastrophe of Spain was final, yet it could afford ground only for conversation and vague invectives, since any hope of dividing the House seriously upon the conduct of ministers with regard to that ill-fated contest, was out of the question. But the fate of the New World, and the policy of Britain with regard to it, being still in suspense, peculiar interest was felt in this question, both as respected the general cause of liberty, and the most important commercial interests of this country.

In relation to the Spanish campaign, the leading members of Opposition, after having given vent to their indignation at the conduct of France, with their disapprobation of the result, both in itself, and as affecting British interests, shewed an extreme reserve in coming into the field with any specific proposition. This task devolved upon Lord Nugent, whose qualifica

tion consisted almost solely in that ge nerous zeal for the cause, which had led him, without regard to considerable impediments, to quit the British shore, and take the field in the cause of Spanish liberty. On the 18th February, under the usual form of moving for papers, he took the opportunity of bringing the subject fully under the consideration of Parliament.

Lord Nugent began by making the most broad charges against ministers upon the subject of Spain. The policy which government professed to adopt towards Spain, was, from the outset, very little suited to the high and energetic tone which this country ought to assume to herself; and, on the other, he could not help thinking that our conduct, in not adhering to that intended policy, had been most insincere and unworthy. He could not persuade himself but that the course taken by ministers had been most hostile to the cause of Spainthat cause, with reference to which they had expressed themselves determined to remain neutral on several occasions. This country had been exposed, in consequence, to the reproaches of every friend of liberty, and to the scorn and contempt of those powers

who had, unfortunately, triumphed over the freedom of Spain, The government of this country had made themselves parties against Spain, at the most critical and important moment of her history. He would not now animadvert on ministers having given no support to the constitutionalists, or their not having taken a bold and decisive line at the Congress of Verona, or on their shutting their eyes to the cool disregard with which France treated their mediation. He was ready to admit, that the low and humble ground of neutrality which they had taken, was considered the best policy by the great bulk of the English people; but ministers had abandoned even this low ground. They had announced it as a reason for which we might take part in the war, if it was conducted on a principle of annexation; yet the edict which the Duke d'Angouleme published at Andujar clearly gave it this character. Did he blame the Duke d'Angouleme for this act? No. He believed it was founded in humanity, and was demanded by the most immediate necessity; but he must say, that it was a declaration, as strong as terms could make it," that the real object of the war was the annexation of Spain as a province of France." The Duke d'Angouleme became virtually viceroy of the Spanish provinces. Besides, the right honourable Secretary had declared, and had gained applause by the declaration, that," come what come may, this country would never assist France in the invasion of Spain." But in less than a month afterwards, what was the surprise of the House, and that of poor, sacrificed, betrayed Spain, to see the British minister, accredited to the Spanish government at Seville, throwing himself into the hands of the Duke d'Angouleme and the French government; and stating the ground of that step to be, an act which the

VOL. XVII. PART I.

Spanish Cortes had done in the management of the internal affairs of Spain! The moment Sir W. A'Court withdrew himself from Seville, it might be said that this government had published a proclamation against the liberties of Spain. If Sir W. A'Court acted here contrary to instructions, why was he not recalled and impeached? The Cortes, his lordship contended, had acted according to their unquestionable right, when they suspended for a time the regal functions. They had done no more than this House had done in 1810, on occasion of the illness of our late revered and beloved Sovereign. God forbid that he should be capable of introducing his name along with that of a wretch, who, unfortunately placed on a throne, was the scourge and abhorrence of his people; who visited them with the basest ingratitude for all that they had done, and for all they had forborne to do; who afforded the most finished specimen that perhaps ever existed in human nature, of all that was base and grovelling, perfidious, bloody, and tyrannical. Therefore he was a fit object for the tender sympathies of those powers who venerated divine right, and adored legitimacy. He hoped that much better opportunities would be given to that House, by the production of the correspondence with the Spanish government, to ascertain clearly what the real conduct of Sir William A'Court had been. Full as Sir William A'Court was of his unabated desire to mediate, at any moment, in a spirit friendly to Spain, he always contrived to place himself in a position where mediation was impossible. He allowed the time to pass away, when the government left Seville, until the blockade of Cadiz was commenced, which effectually prevented him from proceeding to that place, and he knew very well that Cadiz alone was the proper spot for negotiation. Where

B

was Sir W. A'Court from the period of the government leaving Seville, until the period of the investment and blockade of Cadiz ? He was at Seville with the French army-the army of the Faith, and the Servile army. He was at Seville, when he must have known the encouragement which he was giving by his presence to the Servile army. He would state a circumstance which would shew the effect Sir W. A'Court's presence had on the Servile party. No less a proposition was made to him by an infuriated and sanguinary mob, headed by their priests, than that he should be made governor of Seville, in the name of the absolute King! The offer was declined, by his stating, that if so preposterous a proposal was again made to him, he must leave Seville. He (Lord Nugent) demanded why he had remained one moment in Seville with the French army, the Servile party, the priests, and their mob? This had been of serious detriment to the Spanish cause, and the hint had been taken by Morillo, Ballasteros, and every traitor in Spain. Then Sir William, from charitable and generous motives, he was willing to believe, had advised General Alava, whose patriotic, honourable, and high-minded character was above all praise, to save his own most valuable life from the wreck of his country. The withdrawal of General Alava, however, at such a moment, could not but have caused imminent danger, if not destruction, to the cause of liberty. The constitutional government at Madrid had made us most liberal offers in regard to South America, if we would have granted them our effective mediation; but all had been rejected, in order to gratify the more important consideration of enabling France to restore Ferdinand to the throne. Lord Nugent now drew a picture of the consequences which had resulted from our policy. French ves

sels, he was informed, were admitted duty-free into every port of Spain, while heavy duties were still levied upon the ships of Great Britain. Bilboa, Malaga, Cadiz, Barcelona, Carthagena, all were garrisoned by the soldiers of France; Bilboa and Malaga, which had long been the seats of British factories; Cadiz, perhaps the most formidable point for a naval force in the world; Carthagena, proverbially the finest harbour in all Spain. He said "proverbially," because there was a Spanish proverb which said, in the metaphorical style of that country, that there were but three safe harbours in Spain,-June, July, and Carthagena. Then there was Barcelona, the key, in a military view, of the whole country. Barcelona was in the possession of the French, as well as all those other places which we had thought it worth our while, but a very few years since, at the expense of so much blood and treasure, to wrest from them.

Mr Canning did not make any reply to this speech, unless simply as it related to the charge against Sir W. A'Court. That ambassador had been furnished with the most ample instructions possible, but had, at the same time, been necessarily left to act according to his discretion, in the event of any unforeseen case. A case did occur, which no wisdom of man could have foreseen, viz. the deposition, for a limited period, of the king. Sir W. A'Court, certainly, had not been prepared for this event; and it would be rather a high demand upon the sagacity of ministers, to say that they should have anticipated it. Under such circumstances he, of course, acted for the time upon his own discretion. It was true, that Sir W. A'Court's continuance for a short period at Seville had been misconstrued by a factious party at that place, and that they attempted to make him an in