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Some four years ago, Professor Raw- | Sardones, and of the Achaians and Lalinson in this Review * stated his objec- conians, are not known, as that portion tions to parts of the interpretation of this of the record is destroyed. The hands Inscription, and declined to accept its of the Achaian dead and those of the authority as a whole. He observed justly, other non-African tribes, and another that Achaians and Laconians had no in- portion of the bodies of the Libyans and tercourse, even in the time of Homer, Maxyes, were brought back, either as with Sikels and Sardinians, and knew trophies or by way of account.* There nothing of any foreign ships in Greek were 9376 prisoners. The remainder of waters except those of the Phoenicians. the invading army fled the country, and It is not necessary for my purpose to de- the Libyans treated for peace. But a termine anything with respect to the portion of those who had in a manner races farther west, as to their local seats planted themselves in the Delta, princiat the time, or otherwise. There is no pally Mashuash or Maxyes, were conimprobability or difficulty in the main firmed in the possession of their lands, tenour of the inscription, which shows and became Egyptian subjects. that the invasion was principally continental, or in that portion of it which points out Achaians, and perhaps other Greeks, as forming an auxiliary force.

This invasion took place near the commencement of the reign of Merepthah.† His accession is placed by the French authorities at about A.D. 1350, and we may perhaps roughly assume 1345 B. C. as the date. Therefore the year 1345 B.C. may be taken as falling within the term which, as we have seen, may reasonably be stated at about or under 100 years of the historic life of the Achaian name for the Greek nation.

That term, then, can hardly have begun earlier than 1345 B.C., and cannot have ended later than 1245 B.C.

It appears, then, that in the reign of Merepthah, together with the Lebu or Libyans, were in arms the Shardana or Sardones (whether yet planted in Sardinia or not is little material) and some other tribes called Mashuash (the Maxyes,)† and Kahuka. There were also the Achaiusha or Achaians, and with them were the Leku or Laconians (or, less probably, Peloponnesian Lukians or Lycians). There were likewise the Turska, But the period of (say) 100 years subwho are interpreted to be Tyrrhenians; divides itself, as we have seen, into what and the Shekulsha of Siculi. According may be taken as two moieties; the first to M. de Rouge's reading, the Tyrrhe- when it was a gentile or local name, the nians took the initiative: and brought second when it was national. To which moreover their families, with an evident of these significations does the use of view to settlement in the country. But the name under Merepthah probably bethis is contested by M. Chabas,§ appar-long? I answer, without hesitation, to ently with reason. At any rate it ap- the earlier; becsuse the Greeks who take pears incontestable, from the comparative smallness of their losses in action, that that they were in small numbers. The invasion was by the North-Western frontier. It produced the utmost alarm in Egypt; according to the monuments, the sufferings inflicted were such as had not been known since the evil times of the Shepherd Kings: "The days and the months pass, and they abide on the ground." They went beyond Memphis, and reached the town of Paari, or Paarisheps, in middle Egypt. Here they were defeated in a great and decisive battle, which lasted for six hours. Nearly fifteen thousand were slain of the Libyans, Maxyes, and Kahuka; about 1000 Tyrrhenians and Sikels: the losses of the

Contemporary Review, April, 1870.

↑ Herodotus, iv. 191.

De Rougé, p. 209.

part in it are described as Achaians and Laconians. If, instead of Laconians, we were to read Lukians, viz., those connected with the Lucaonian tradition of the Peloponnesos, it would not affect the argument, which is that the Achaian name evidently does not cover the whole Peninsula,† or even the whole Peloponnesos: the Laconians, according to the Karnak monument, being Peloponnesians, were not then Achaians.

Returning to the figures under this narrower specification, the Invasion we speak of was probably at a date within some fifty or sixty years before the War of Troy. If so, we should have 1345 B.C. for the higher limit of the war (which could not have coincided with the invasion), and 1285 B.C. for the latest.

*De Rougé, p. 6.

↑ M. de Rougé also states, that according to the Inscription these Achaians did not include the Inhabitants

$ Chabas, Etudes sur l'Antiquité Historique, pp. of the Isles, and thinks they were confined to the Pelo

198-200.

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ponnesos. De Rougé, Extraits, &c., p. 28.

Carried thus far, the statement and ar-, really Greeks of the mainland. There is gument may rest on their own ground. an objection to the supposition on more But it is a notable fact, that the Egyp- than one ground. First, I have argued, tian records, which supply evidence of in conformity with Greek tradition, and the prevalence of the Achaian name with what seems to me the clear indicaunder Merepthah, at a later date also tion of the Homeric text, that the Daanau supply evidence that it had ceased to name was certainly older, not younger, prevail. To that evidence we will now than the Achaian.* Secondly, the Achaiproceed. an, and the later Greeks were alike, and increasingly with time, a maritime people. Again the account (from the Harris papyrus of the British Museum) represents the Tekkra and Pelesta as supplying the

Rameses III. belongs to the Twentieth Dynasty, and is reckoned as the last among the sovereigns of the ancient Egyptian monarchy who was distinguished by personal greatness. His aggressive fleet; but both Trojans and function was, like that of several preced- Pelasgians are in Homer wholly without ing monarchs, not to enlarge but to defend any sign of maritime habits; a remarkathe Empire. His accession is fixed, ble fact in the case of the Trojans, bethrough a date astronomically calculated cause they inhabited a country with a by M. Biot, to the year 1311 B.C., and long line of sea-coast. But when we confrom this time onwards we are assured sider that the Egyptians carried on the that the Egyptian chronology attains al- maritime war through the Phoenicians, it most to an absolute trustworthiness.* seems that we can hardly rely upon as In his fifth year, or 1306 B.C., the White much accuracy of detail as in the records (or Aryan) Libyans again invaded Egypt. of a land warfare conducted by themA simultaneous but independent attack selves. On the other hand, if the Achaian was made from the North and East. name had gone out of use, and no other The Maxyes of the Delta revolted.† was yet fully established, the Danaan From beyond the continent the leading nations of the enemy were "the Pelesta of the Mid Sea" and the Tekkri, interpreted as meaning the Pelasgians of Crete, and the Teucrians; who, again, are assumed to have succeeded the Trojans in Troas. These Pelestas M. Lenormant understands to be the ancestors of the Philistines, a question beside my purpose. They entered Syria by land. Their ships, with those of the Tekkra and Shekulsha, assailed the coast, while the Daanau, the Tursha, and the Uashasha, supplied land forces only. Rameses III., having defeated the land invasion, also mastered his naval enemies by means of a Phoenician fleet.

It seems difficult to dispute that these Pelesta "of the mid sea "2 were probably Cretan; or that the Daanau represent the same people who in the war of Merepthah appear as Achaians. The! point material in the present inquiry is that if the Danaau are Greeks of the mainland, that is to say, Danaoi, or Danaans, the Achaian name had now, forty years after the War of Merepthah, so far lost its currency that it no longer represented the nation to the foreign ear.

We may, however, stay for a moment to inquire whether these Daanau were

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name was a most natural one for Phonicians to give to Greeks. For, as I have endeavoured to show, there is every reason to believe that the Danaan immigration into Greece came from Phoenicia, or from Egypt through Phoenicia; and it was an immigration into Peloponnesos. If, as has long been popularly assumed, it was from Egypt, the ascription of the name to the nation by the Egyptians is natural, even if it had gone out of use in the Peloponnesos itself.

The Achaians, then, of Merepthah's reign probably are the Danaans of the reign of Rameses III. But the Achaian power predominated in the Peloponnesos till the return of the Heraclids. Reasoning from this fact alone, we might be inclided to argue that the Danaan name could not probably have been employed until about eighty years after the fall of Troy, and that event must have occurred as far back as 1387 B.C. But the disorganization of the Peloponnesos caused by the Trojan War probably caused the title of Achaians to descend from its zenith as rapidly as it had risen. If from this cause the Achaian name had lost its lustre, and if the Danaan designation had also been, as is probable, that by which the Greeks were known in Phoenicia and Egypt before the Achaian period, "Studies on Homer," vol. i. and Juv. Mundi, pp. t Juv. Mundi, p. 137.

42-4.

matters of law; and even the management of his land, but for his mother's strong opposition, he would gladly have left to a steward or agent, although the extent of his property scarcely justified such an appointment. So he entered his mother's room that day with a languid step and reluctant air.

there seems to be no reason why at | enough for all his wants; his ambition ten or twenty years after the war the (if ever he had any) was a vague and vaDanaan title might not again become, for porous element; he left to his lawyers all those countries, the proper descriptive title. What appears quite inadmissible is the idea that the period of Achaianism, so to call it, could have come after the time of Rameses III., when the Greeks were called Danaans; for in that case there would have been not one but two Achaian periods before the Olympiads. On the whole, the presumptions from this part of the Egyptian evidence would place the capture of Troy some time before 1306 B.C., and possibly even before the middle of the fourteenth century B.C. 1874.

From Blackwood's Magazine.
ALICE LORRAINE.

A TALE OF THE SOUTH DOWNS.

The lady paid very little heed to that. Perhaps she even enjoyed it a little. Holding that every man is bound to attend to his own affairs, she had little patience and no sympathy with such philosophic indifference. On the other hand, Sir Roland could not deny himself a little quiet smile, when he saw his mother's great preparations to bring him both to book and deed.

Lady Valeria Lorraine was sitting as upright as she had sat throughout her life, and would sit, until she lay down forever. On the table before her were CHAPTER XXXVI. several thick and portentously dirty docAT Coombe Lorraine these things had uments, arranged and docketed by her been known and entered into some time own sagacious hand; and beyond these, ago. For Sir Roland had not left his son and opened at pages for reference, lay so wholly uncared for in a foreign land as certain old law-books of a most deterrent Hilary in his sore heart believed. In his guise and attitude. Sheppard's “Touchregiment there was a cetain old major, stone " (before Preston's time), Littleton's lame, and addicted to violent language," Tenures," Viner's "Abridgment," Cobut dry and sensible according to his lights, and truthful, and upright, and quarrelsome. Burning to be first, as he always did in every desperate conflict, Major Clumps saw the young fellows get in front of him, and his temper exploded always. "Come back, come back, you " condemned offspring of canine lineage, he used to shout; "let an honest man have a fair start with you! Because my feet are there you go again; no consideration, any of you!

This Major Clumps was admirably "connected," being the nephew of Lord de Lampnor, the husband of Lady Valeria's friend. So that by this means it was brought round that Hilary's doings should be reported. And Lady Valeria had received a letter in which her grandson's exploits at the storming of Ciudad Rodrigo were so recounted that Alice wept, and the ancient lady smiled with pride; and even Sir Roland said, "Weil, after all, that boy can do something."

The following afternoon the master of Coombe Lorraine was sent for, to have a long talk with his mother about matters of dry business. Now Sir Roland particularly hated business; his income was

myn's "Digest," Glanville, Plowden, and other great authors, were here prepared to cause delicious confusion in the keenest feminine intellect; and Lady Valeria was quite sure now that they all contradicted one another.

After the formal salutation, which she always insisted upon, the venerable lady began to fuss about a little, and pretend to be at a loss with things. She was always dressed as if she expected a visit from the royal family; and it was as good as a lecture for any slovenly young girls to see how cleverly she avoided soil of dirty book or dirtier parchment, upon her white cuffs or Flemish lace. Even her delicate pointed fingers, shrunken as they were with age, had a knack of flitting over grime, without attracting it.

"I daresay you are surprised," she said, with her usual soft and courteous smile, "at seeing me employed like this, and turning lawyer in my old age."

Sir Roland said something complimentary, knowing that it was expected of him. The ancient lady had always taught him however erroneous the doctrine that no man who is at a loss for the proper compliment to a lady deserves to be

hoped they would pardon his interference. And then his words were to this effect―The operation of such a settlement may be most injurious. The parties will be tying their own hands most completely, without - so far as I can

thought a gentleman. She always had treated her son as a gentleman, dearer to her than other gentlemen; but still to be regarded in that light mainly. And he, perhaps by inheritance, had been led to behave to his own son thus -a line of behaviour warmly resented by the impet-perceive any adequate reason for doing uous Hilary.

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"Now I beg you to attend - you must try to attend," continued Lady Valeria: rouse yourself up, if you please, dear Roland. This is not a question of astrologers, or any queer thing of that sort, but a common-sense matter, and, I might say, a difficult point of law, perhaps."

"That being so," Sir Roland answered, with a smile of bright relief, "our course becomes very simple. We have nothing that we need trouble ourselves to be puzzled with uncomfortably. Messrs. Crookson, Hack, & Clinker- they know how to keep in arrear, and to charge."

"It is your own fault, my dear Roland, if they overcharge you. Everybody will do so, when they know that you mean to put up with it. Your dear father was under my guidance much more than you have ever been, and he never let people overcharge him- more than he could help, I mean."

"I quite perceive the distinction, mother. You have put it very clearly. But how does that bear upon the matter you have now to speak of?"

"In a great many ways. This account of Hilary's desperate behaviour, as I must call it upon sound reflection, leads me to consider the great probability of something happening to him. There are many battles yet to be fought, and some of them may be worse than this. You remember what Mr. Malahide said when your dear father would insist upon that resettlement of the entire property in the year 1799."

so. Supposing, for instance, there should be occasion for raising money upon these estates during the joint lives of the grandson and granddaughter, and before the granddaughter is of age, there will be no means of doing it. The limitation to her, which is a most unusual one in such cases, will preclude the possibility of representing the fee-simple. The young lady is now just five years old, and if this extraordinary settlement is made, no marketable title can be deduced for the next sixteen years, except, of course, in the case of her decease.' And many other objections he made, all of which, however, were overruled; and after that protest he prepared the settlement."

"The matter was hurried through your father's state of health; for at that very time he was on his death-bed. But no harm whatever has come of it, which shows that we were right, and Mr. Malahide quite wrong. But I have been looking to see what would happen, in case poor Hilary-ah, it was his own fault that all these restrictions were introduced. Although he was scarcely twelve years old, he had shown himself so thoroughly volatile, so very easy to lead away, and, as it used to be called by vulgar people, so happy-go-lucky,' that your dear father wished, while he had the power, to disable him from lessening any further our lessened estates. And but for that settlement, where might we be?"

"You know, my dear mother, that I never liked that exceedingly complicated and most mistrustful settlement. And if Sir Roland knew quite well that it was I had not been so sick of all business, not his dear father at all, but his mother, after the loss of my dear wife, even your who had insisted upon that very strin- powers of persuasion would have failed gent and ill-advised proceeding, in which to make me execute it. At any rate, it he himself had joined reluctantly, and has had one good effect. It has robbed only by dint of her persistence. How-poor Hilary to a great extent of the ever, he did not remind her of this. charms that he must have possessed for the Jews."

"To be sure," he replied, "I remember it clearly; and I have his very words somewhere. He declined to draw it in accordance with the instructions of our solicitors, until his own opinion upon it had been laid before the family - a most unusual course, he said, for counsel in chambers to adopt, but having some knowledge of the parties concerned, he

"How can they discover such things? With a firm of trusty and most respectable lawyers - to me it is quite wonderful.”

How many things are wondrous, and nothing more wondrous than man himself except, of course, a Jew. They do find out; and they never let us find out how they managed it. But do let me

ask you, my dear mother, what particular | turn of thought has compelled you to be so learned?”

"You mean these books? Well, let me think. I quite forget what it was that I wanted. It is useless to flatter me, Roland, now. My memory is not as it was, nor my sight, nor any other gift. However, I ought to be very thankful; and I often try to be so."

"Take a little time to think," Sir Roland said, in his most gentle tone; "and then, if it does not occur to you, we can talk of it some other time."

"And, my dear son, I have a right to do so of my own god-mother, and greataunt. The sneering spirit of the present day cannot rob us of all our advantages. However, your father (as was right and natural on his part) felt a conviction - as those low Methodists are always saying of themselves - that there would be a hundred thousand pounds, to help him in what he was thinking of. But her Grace was vexed at my marriage; and so, as you know, my dear Roland, I brought the Lorraines nothing."

"Yes, my dear mother, you brought yourself, and your clear mind, and clever management."

"Will you always think that of me, Roland, dear? Whatever happens, when I am gone, will you always believe that I did my best?"

saw how her delicate face was softened from its calm composure. And the like emotion moved himself; for he was a man of strong feeling, though he deigned so rarely to let it out, and froze it so often with fatalism.

"Oh, now I remember! They told me something about the poor boy being smitten with some girl of inferior station. Of course, even he would have a little more sense than ever to dream of marrying her. But young men, although they mean nothing, are apt to say things that Sir Roland was surprised at his mothcost money. And above all others, Hil-er's very unusual state of mind. And he ary may have given some grounds for damages he is so inconsiderate! now if that should be so, and they give a large verdict, as a low-born jury always does against a well-born gentleman, several delicate points arise. In the first place, has he any legal right to fall in love under this settlement? And if not, how can any judgment take effect on his interest? And again, if he should fall in battle, would that stay proceedings? And if all these points should be settled against us, have we any power to raise the money? For I know that you have no money, Roland, except what you receive from land; as under my advice every farthing of accumulation has been laid out in buying back, field by field, portions of our lost property."

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"My dearest mother," he answered, bowing his silver hair over her snowy locks," surely you know me well enough to make such a question needless. A more active and devoted mind never worked for one especial purpose-the welfare of those for whose sake you have abandoned show and grandeur. Ay, mother, and with as much success as our hereditary faults allowed. Since your labours began, we must have picked up fifty acres."

"Is that all you know of it, Roland ?" "Yes, my dear mother; and worse than asked Lady Valeria, with a short sigh; that; every field so purchased has been "all my efforts will be thrown away, I declared or assured or whatever they greatly fear, when I am gone. One huncall it to follow the trusts of this set- dred and fifty-six acres and a half have tlement, so that I verily believe if I been brought back into the Lorraine wanted £5000 for any urgent family pur-rent-roll, without even counting the poses, I must raise it if at all upon hedgerows. And now there are two mere personal security. But surely, dear mother, you cannot find fault with the very efficient manner in which your own desires have been carried out."

"Well, my son, I have acted for the best, and according to your dear father's plans. When I married your father," the old lady continued, with a soft quiet pride, which was quite her own, "it was believed, in the very best quarters, that the Duchess Dowager of Chalcorhin, of whom perhaps you may have heard me speak"

"Truly yes, mother, every other day." I

things to be done, to carry on this great work well. That interloper, Sir Remnant Chapman, a man of comparatively modern race, holds more than two thousand acres of the best and oldest Lorraine land. He wishes young Alice to marry his son, and proposes a very handsome settlement. Why, Roland, you told me all about it though not quite so soon as you should have done."

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"I do not perceive that I neglected my duty. If I did so, surprise must have 'knocked me out of time,' as our good Struan expresses it."

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