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tion of M. Gambetta. And he was lis-; trary, to employ the language of a statestened to almost without a murmur, save man desirous of arriving at a union with from exasperated Bonapartist despera- the sons of France.” In answer to some does, who recognize in him their strong-' murmurs, he added, “ Yes, you are the est foe, and writhe visibly under the sting sons of France, you are to-day soverof his contemptuous scorn. No doubt eigns; there are no others ;” and then the Deputies are fascinated by his mas- he brought in his argument that sovertery of language, his superb voice, and eignty knows no rest, and that the interthe dignified forms in which he clothes ests of all demanded either a completion the wholesome truths they so keenly re; of the work which the Assembly had sent ; but they listen also with respect, undertaken or a dissolution, and that bred of fear and admiration, to a man refuge in a political stratagem, devised who they know by experience is a polit- for the purpose of gaining time, far from ical force, not merely because he has a conferring security either on the country following, but because he can think or the Government, only doubled the prestrongly and act strongly, as well as vailing disquiet. Nor can the fact be speak with an overmastering energy. denied, since all parties have reserved His colleagues in the Assembly know their claims to employ the Recess in agialso, what they will not always confess, tating each for its own ends. Here were that M. Gambetta is a practical politician, great admissions. and not a revolutionary agitator. Only But the broadest and most powerful the vulgar rank him as a mere dema- section of M. Gambetta's speech was that gogue, and his position nearly resembles in which he showed how the majority had that of Mr. Bright, before the Tories stole failed to act as practical politicians. several leaves out of his book. The Therein lies the superiority. What are latest and in some aspects the best evi- the facts ? For three years ineffectual dence of M. Gambetta's political character attempts have been made to found a Goyand of the place he has carved for him- ernment which shall not be Republican. self on the public stage, is to be found in During that time every proposal, every his speech on the prorogation. It not concession offered by the Left, has been only contains those happy retorts and repelled by the Royalists. But, said the that kind of logic which please French orator, addressing the majority, as statesears, but it is characterized by a breadth men you might surely preserve your obof view which distinguishes the states-jections to a Republic, yet accommodate man from the partisan leader. Naturally, yourselves to realities, and assume your the most is made of the fact that an As place in a country where the democracy sembly smitten with impotence sought to has always the last word. Then, he said, display in a refusal to dissolve a striking placing yourselves in harmony with facts, proof of vigour; that the repose declared with historic and social necessities, sito be so needful had not been earned ; lencing your affections and sentiments, and that a Chamber, arrogating to itself offering them up, indeed, as a sacrifice to the powers of a constituent body, has no the common weal, you would learn that in right, until the work is done, to suspend a free democratic government your part its labours for months. These proposi- would be conspicuous, a part secured to tions are the common property of Re- you by social standing, precedent, ability, publican orators, and it is not in them and the possession of leisure. Then, inthat the distinctive qualities exbibited stead of repelling, you should welcome by their leader are to be found. He went the co-operation of those Republicans far beyond these well-trodden limits. who proffer a fruitful alliance, and not Not only did he admit that the Assembly commit a fault which may prove irrepar. had successfully vindicated its claim to able. “I say," he exclaimed with embe a constituent body, although it had 'phasis, “ that Conservatives, claiming the merely produced an artificial combina- title of statesmen, having played, and certion, without precedent, without force, tain yet to play, a great part in the desalmost without a name, but he used this tinies of France, after seeing their cherremarkable language, “You began," he ished preferences fail, as a primary duty said, “by striking out the Empire ; next should have appealed to the country, and you sought to restore the Monarchy. sought what it is that France desires." C'était votre droit.” “You always look M. Gambetta, no doubt, declared that on me," he continued, “as one animated France desired the Republic, but whether by a violent passion against your opin- she does or not, the force of his arguions and persons; I seek, on the con- ment is not less, nor the breadth of his view curtailed. At all events, after this I vacation, and materially improve the pospeech, which showed so just a spirit sition of the Republicans. Considering towards his opponents, M. Gambetta can how M. Casimir Périer and M. Léon no longer be taunted with the bigoted de Malleville were deserted by the Ornarrowness which so many Republicans leanists when the crucial questions of the in 1848 inherited from the Great Revolu- Republic or a Dissolution were put, it is tion. It is all very well to talk of the all the more astonishing that M. GamMountain and the Gironde ; universal betta, instead of sowing dissension by suffrage and peasant proprietorship are taunting the promised allies, refrained ample safeguards ; and M. Raoul Duval from uttering a single reproach which could not be contradicted, when he boldly could offend even the Duc d'Audiffret affirmed that in France universal suffrage Pasquier. While almost every other has always chosen a Conservative ma- leader in the Chamber will seek his rejority.
pose with a reputation more or less damTaking this lofty stand, uttering these aged, the Radical chief has raised his telling warnings, M. Gambetta went on own, not only by his reticence, but by to survey the state of freedom, or rather his timely and manful out-speaking. restriction, in France, three years after a The Septennate may run its seven years, disastrous war. What do we see ? A but its heir and executor will be that state of siege over one-half of France - strong, comprehensive, and really na“the sole institution which is left you" tional Republic which M. Gambetta - an incomplete military organization, sketched, and which the rivalries and wanting the regulations touching the Ca- faults of Kings and Emperors have made dres so essential to effective existence. Iinevitable. Although the invader has long departed, the state of siege cannot be raised, forsooth! because there is no Press Law. How, he cried, are new repressive laws
From The Saturday Review. needed ; are French codes so completely 1 THE COUNT OF PARIS'S HISTORY OF THE ignored that an arsenal of repression,
AMERICAN WAR.* which sufficed for three monarchies, is no longer enough? “You reproach us
It may seem at first sight to need and sometimes with reason - because in
in some excuse that the Count of Paris has unusual circumstances we applied excep
devoted the bulk of the first of his large tional arms; but you are in a normal
volumes to purely introductory matter, condition ; order is not and cannot be
and that chietly of a military character. disturbed ; yet the liberty of writing
But in fact the work thus done forms its throughout three-fourths of France is at
own sufficient apology. No writer of any the mercy of Generals of Division !"
country had before attempted to present The picture was all the more effective,
in a complete form the facts thus gathbecause those who lead the majority were
ered together; and yet, without a the loudest to cry for liberty under the
thorough study of the peculiar conditions Empire. It was, therefore, legitimate to
| under which this great war was to be carask that France, by way of improvement,
ried on, criticism of its events would be should revert to the status quo ante
almost thrown away. The saying combellum, the legislation of 1868, - hard
monly attributed to Count Moltke, that enough, surely, to afford Conservative
to an educated soldier the operations of protection ! Every party in turn las
1861-65 were only “the scramblings of been smitten by the law of the sword, but
armed mobs," whether truly reported, or no fewer than one hundred and twenty
invented for the great German strategist, seven Republican journals have been
is a very just expression of the hopelesskilled or wounded. It is impossible that
ness of attempting to apply exact rules the most bigoted Legitimist could fail to
drawn from the practices and conduct of feel the keenness of the question. - Can the standing armies of Europe to those it be in the power of three or four hun
of the improvised forces of free citizens dred Deputies to reverse the French Revol
th Rev. which for four years struggled for the olution, to prepare for their descendants pr
preservation or destruction of the Amera future outside the sphere of democ
ican Union. Nor have any of those who racy? We say that an address so saga
claim to be standard writers on the war cious, so massive, so tolerant, an address
• Histoire de la guerre civile en Amérique. Par which will be sown broadcast over France, M. le Comte de Paris, ancien aide-de-camp du général cannot fail to work like yeast during the MacClellan. Tome 1. Paris : Lévy. 1874.
helped us here. Those best known and the Down-Easter a distinct type of man most read in America - Dr. Draper, for from the Carolina planter, and the Keninstance — are diffuse enough indeed in tuckian different from either. their introductory chapters. But they! The service here indicated for the fu. give their strength entirely to tracing the ture historian of American polity is done supposed political causes of the conflict for American armies by the Count of to their roots. Party spirit on the sub- Paris. In the introductory chapters he ject of the negro, we may observe, is still not only describes the contending forces so active in America, notwithstanding with the power of a military critic who his emancipation, that readers there adds practical knowledge of the subject never seem to be tired of the productions which he treats to a theorist's breadth of of those who undertake to prove or illus- view, but he also takes notice of their trate the direct connection of the war with descent from the colonial levies which the Abolition movement. That in its is fought with varying success under the sue it became identical with Abolition ! British standard in our contest with the seems to be taken for irrefragable evi- French for trans-Atlantic supremacy; dence that in its beginning it was not the modification of the American soldiery less so. And no American writer of under the wise and steadfast guidance of weight has as yet undertaken to go deeper Washington in the War of Independence; into the springs of this dreadful contest, the local causes which stamped their reand to show how far the uncertain con- spective peculiarities on the armies of dition in which the founders of the great the Union and Confederacy — all these Republic, in order to make their own points are clearly traced out in the intask the smoother, left their prime diftroductory chapters in a way that has ficulty of the bounds between Federal never been done before. Nor does the and State rights is responsible for what Count omit to examine with equal care ensued. Nor has any one sought to dis- the peculiar conditions of the land, and cover whether the question of slavery or of the communications through it, which no-slavery was really the essential cause so largely influenced the course of the which brought about disunion, or merely struggle. Here, however, other Eurothe immediate occasion that produced a pean writers may have been beforehand collision which the elements of an ill-de- with him ; but he has no rival to fear in fined Constitution had made certain to his review of the living masses who occur at some time or other.
sprang, as it were, ready armed from To anayize the political bearings of the the homesteads of the North and the conflict in an impartial spirit would not plantations of the South, and whose very be a popular work in America, so one numbers so suddenly raised, so spontanesided is the view still taken there of the ously recruited, have made them a mysgreat crisis in the Republic's history.tery to foreign critics. Some of the lighterAnd yet the parallel case of Switzerland, minded of these have been content to where a secession was put down by force meet the problem which they could not of arms but a few years earlier, should solve by declaring the whole story to be shake the dogmatic belief of Union surrounded by myths begotten of the writers that nothing but slavery could fertile Yankee invention. To hardly any possibly have been answerable for what does it seem to have occurred that colothey now speak of as the greatest of nists, though ordinarily wrapt in peaceful civil crimes. Such a historian as Ban- pursuits, have a readiness for self-defence croft or Motley may possibly hereafter born of the very nature of those pursuits, undertake the work in a more philosophic and that the freedom and activity of muspirit, and we may not unreasonably hope nicipal institutions in America had infor this service from one or other of those fused throughout the people of the States eminent authors since both are now free of the Union an earnestness in political from diplomatic toils. But whoever is to matters that was sure to tell powerfully succeed in it must go much further back in war, which is after all but the rudest in American history than has hitherto and most violent form of political contest. been attempted, and must trace the con- Probably no one who had not at least nection between the looseness of the ori- been in some new country peopled by ginal framework of the united colonies men of English blood, where life is more and the rude shock which threatened their active, property more rapidly accumulatdisruption. Nay, he must seek in their ed, the race better supplied with all macarlier condition as dependencies the terial necessaries than with us, would be germs of those peculiarities which made qualified for writing critically on the American War. Certainly no one whose To which we may add, as a striking mind had not been carefully trained be- proof of the growth of this arm and its forehand could have generalized from the operations as the war waxed old, that the results of brief and partial observation, last important body of troops organized such as was open to the Count during by the North was a complete army corps his short service with MacClellan, with of these mounted soldiers, which adthe skill and power displayed in this vol-vanced into the heart of the hitherto unume.
touched portion of the Seceded States To show that this praise is not too under Wilson, previously one of Sherihigh, we turn to the work itself, and pur- dan's division generals, and completed posely take a passage at random from the conquest of the district between Atthe chapter beaded Les Volontaires Fédé- lanta and the Mississippi which Sherman raux, which describes the various arms had passed by in his march on Savannah. of the Northern forces, and their charac. No one in Europe had imagined that teristics. We fall at once upon an ac- America could find horses, to say nothing count of the cavalry, and read as fol- of riders, for such vast operations. We lows:
only very recently learnt from the mouth The mounted volunteers naturally took the
the of one of the chief Union cavalry comregular cavalry as their model, aná imitated manders that calculations were made their mode of fighting, which, as has been said showing that the most liberal waste of before, approached that of the old dragoon of horseflesh that could be allowed for the seventeenth century, thus bringing about a would not have exhausted the resources curious similarity between the old military of the North in efficient animals for full customs of Europe and those of modern Amer- three years more. ica. But if these horsemen borrowed the car
The passage of the Count's work albine of the regulars, it was not because they ready Quote
se, they ready quoted proves sufficiently the had to do with a foe as nimble as the Indians, )
keenness of his observation ; but the but iather because all inexperienced soldiers when they have to choose between cold steel
strength of this volume, as before noted, and firearms, prefer the latter, as not compel- lies above all in his just appreciation of ling them to close with the adversary. Be the historic causes out of which grew sides, to handle a lance or sabre, a rider must the peculiarities of the American armies. know how to manage his horse properly, and It is difficult within our limits to do justhe horsemanship of these volunteers was tice to his treatment of this bitherto virwretched at the beginning of the war. They gin subject; but we will select one did not fire from the saddle like those of the
the special passage to show how skilfully the time of Louis XIV., but fell into a habit of a
of distinguished author connects his own fighting on foot, leaving every fourth man to look after the horses. The broken and wooded Co
country's fame with the origin of the nature of the ground was favourable to this, I reany, high qualities which the soldiers of and indeed it would not have permitted the the Civil War displayed. grand and rapid movement of cavalry accustomed to depend upon the fury of their charge, ! It was against our own soldiers she writes) had any such existed in America. For the in the Seven Years' War that the American rest, at the beginning of the conflict, the volunteers, in those days the provincial militia cavalry kept to the troublesome task of feeling of a British colony, made their first essay in the way for the army, and skirmishing at the arms. We may remark this, not only without advanced posts. Difficult as this must be for any bitterness, for the flag of the United raw troops, the service was not entirely new States since it first waved has never been found to these American cavaliers, accustomed as arrayed on the battlc-field against that of they had been to an adventurous life, which France, but even as a souvenir that makes one suited their spirit of individual enterprise. If bond the more between them and ourselves. they had not always the true instinct for war, ( During the unequal contest which decided the nor that constant vigilance which is indispen- possession of the New World, these militia sable when in the presence of the enemy, their received useful lessons in measuring their address and boldness atoned for these defects; strength with the handful of heroic men who and a thousand petty skirmishes which can defended our Empire beyond the seas when find no place in our narrative gave them occa- abandoned by their country. The soldiers of sion to show that inventiveness of spirit which the War of Independence were formed in this is never lacking in the American when some school. Montcalm rather than Wolfe was the stratagem has to be devised or some bold instructor of these adversaries on whom so stroke accomplished. At a later period the soon fell the task of avenging him. It was in importance of cavalry developed itself, as to seeking, by long and often disastrous expedithem fell the new branch of war known as tions, to be beforehand with the French power “raids” or grand independent expeditions, on the banks of the Ohio, that the founder of such as we shall have to speak of hereafter. American nationality served an apprentice. ship in that indefatigable energy which brought the events of the Civil War, not a whit him triumphant over every obstacle. It was less interesting. And, as the reader may the example of the defenders of Fort Carillon, naturally expect, this part of American checking an English army from behind their history is not passed over without a refer. wretched parapet, which in later years in-lence
1:ence to the services rendered to the raw spired those who fought at Bunker's Hill. It was the surrender of Washington at Fort
| American troops by the experience of Necessity, the disaster of Braddock before Lafayette's French contingent. It is fair Fort Duquesne, which taught the victors of to add that no excessive weight is atSaratoga how, in these uncultivated countries, tached by the author to this alliance with to embarrass an enemy's march, cut off his France, and that he gives the chief honsupplies, nullify his apparent superiority, and ours of the success where they properly end by finally taking or destroying his force. belong, to the indomitable energy of Thus, though they were at first despised by Washington. We would willingly have the aristocratic ranks of the regular English | dwelt more on certain episodes of that army, these Provincial Militia, as they then
n struggle, which is here touched on with were called, managed soon to win the esteem as well as the respect of their foe. In this
is admirable clearness. One of them, the war, so perfectly different from the wars of mutiny of the Pennsylvania troops at the Europe, in these actions fought in the midst close of their three years' service, on the of a wooded and savage country, they already pretext of a grammatical construction of developed all those qualities which have since the terms of their engagement contrary to distinguished the American — address, energy, that assigned them by Congress, and the courage, and individual intelligence.
too easy yielding of the latter to their Even those who may differ from the pretensions, is most justly commented on Comte de Paris in his high estimate of as “ giving a deep and lasting blow to the effect produced on American soldiers the discipline" of American volunteers. by the early contest with those of France, It served in fact as an evil precedent for will not deny the justice with which he the armies of McDowell and MacClellan. brings out the peculiar features of their And this is but one of many examples of character as warriors, nor the skill with the research and knowledge of the author, which he connects these circumstances of whose introductory chapters we can with the history of the early settlements but repeat that, though intended in the of his own countrymen in that continent first place for French readers, they offer where Frenchmen have long since ceased such a contribution to the study of to hold a foot of ground. Could we fol- American military history as soldiers of low him further here, we should find his every country, and Ainericans themselves sketch of the War of Independence, and above all, have reason to be sincerely of the influence it exercised in moulding grateful for.
A REPORT by Commander Cookson upon and defrays the expense of all the necessary the guano deposits on the Islands of Lobos de works, such as building piers, laying tramTierra, Lobos de Afuera, Macabi, and Gua- ways, making shoots, &c. The estimated nape (in continuation of reports to the Ad quantity here is 500,000 tons. The labour miralty relative to the deposits in Peru), has employed by the Shipping Company is all just been printed. At the time of the visit of Chinese. H.M.S. Petrel to the first-named island there were no inhabitants, except a few Indian fishermen, from whom no information could be gained. The island is six miles long and in some parts three broad; the beds of guano That we are still somewhat backward in there are a considerable distance apart, and our attempts to imitate the methods of Chinese are estimated to amount to 600,000 tons. The culture in our seats of learning, may be inworking of the guano there will shortly be ferred from an anecdote we have lately recommenced by the Guano Shipping Company ceived from an eminent philologist. Shortly at Macabi, and 100 Chinese labourers have before leaving the Celestial Empire he came already been sent to make piers and erect the across an old native gentleman of the mature necessary buildings. The same company has age of 106, who was just about to go in for his undertaken the working of the beds on the last examination. When will our University island of Lobos de Afuera, under a contract authorities succeed in attaining a perfection of with the Peruvian Government, by which the the examination statute which can be comcompany receives 85 cents per ton shipped, pared with this?