makes the poem, in Miss Wordsworth's | conveys better the exact idea of the femown thought. In both cases we find it easy to conceive that Wordsworth's fine tribute to his sister,

She gave me eyes, she gave me ears,
And humble cares and delicate fears,
A heart the fountain of sweet tears,
And love and thought and joy,

was literally true; for in both cases the
starting-point of the poem, its very mood
and tone of feeling, is supplied by the
sister, though all the brooding power of
the brother was needed to make so much

out of so little. Take the first case as an

example. This is Miss Wordsworth's account of the Highland girl to whom her brother's poem was, but not till after many weeks, written:

I think I never heard the English language sound more sweetly than from the mouth of the elder of these girls, while she stood at the gate answering our inquiries, her face flushed with the rain: her pronunciation was clear and distinct without difficulty, yet slow, like that of a foreign speech. . . . She moved with unusual activity, which was chastened very delicately by a certain hesitation in her looks when she spoke, being able to understand us but imperfectly.

And here is the fine passage into which Wordsworth expanded his sister's thought:

inine modesty with which the Highland lass deprecated her own power to choose her words correctly, than the grander range of the poet's language.

The part of the journal completed in its present shape in 1804 is more vivid than that finished in 1805, and more full of delicate touches. It is obvious that

the last portion suffered from the diminu

tion caused in Miss Wordsworth's own

enjoyment of her reminiscences by the tragical death of her sailor brother early in 1805. Principal Shairp's prefatory account of Miss Wordsworth and of her relation to her brother, is written with fine taste and discrimination, and this volume is one which adds a strong personal regard and affection for Miss Wordsworth to the pleasure of the wide range of associations which her brother's great name excites in the mind of all genuine lovers of his deep and buoyant genius.

From The Pall Mall Gazette.

M. GAMBETTA'S SPEECH. THE moderation of the Extreme Left in the French Assembly has hardly received from Englishmen the notice that it merits. They have admitted it as a fact so much they could not help doing

Thou wear'st upon thy forehead clear The freedom of a mountaineer: A face with gladness overspread! but they have usually said or implied Sweet smiles, by human-kindness bred! that it was unimportant because it was And seemliness complete, that sways interested. If the Left had really beThy courtesies, about thee plays; come moderate, that, of course, would be With no restraint but such as springs From quick and eager visitings a significant change in French politics; Of thoughts that lie beyond the reach but, as they are only shamming moderOf thy few words of English speech: ation, it is not a matter worth attending A bondage sweetly brook'd, a strife to. This view is wrong, both as regards That gives thy gestures grace and life! its conclusion and as regards its premSo have I, not unmoved in mind, iss. Granting that the Left are mereSeen birds of tempest-loving kind, ly shamming moderation, this is by no Thus beating up against the wind. means the trifling circumstance which it Noble as the passage is, and especially is supposed to be. In morals the imits concluding image, Miss Wordsworth's portant thing is what a man is, but in description conveys a far more distinct politics what a man wishes to pass for definition than this does of the real man-may be quite as important. The moderner portrayed, when she speaks of the ation of the Left shows at the very least girl's want of knowledge of English as that the party has discovered the true very delicately chastening" her activ-road to political success in France, and ity by the hesitation of bearing and modesty of speech it produced. Wordsworth's phrase,

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A bondage sweetly brook'd, a strife That gives thy gestures grace and life, is more deeply charged with meditation; but the " delicately chastened" activity

that it has consented to practice selfrestraint in order to travel along this road. In comparison with former Republican action this is a striking sign of progress. Hitherto a French Republican has rejected all thought of co-operation with those who only agree with him in part. He has made no distinction

between essentials and non-essentials, | The enlightenment which has taught the between the points on which he and his Republicans that they must make a show allies think in common and the points on of moderation is not likely to have which they have agreed to differ. In- stopped there. The real conversion took deed, the very notion of agreeing to place when they realized that the Repubdiffer, of sharing a carriage with a man lic could only be set up by the aid of who is going half the distance that he moderate men; and, having once underwants to go, and leaving the question stood this, it would be more strange than how he is to go the rest of the way to be not if they should understand nothing decided later, has been repugnant to him. more. If the supreme power were a He has always been bent upon narrow- thing to be won by an unexpected snatch, ing the bounds of his party, upon making it would be intelligible that the Left it comprehend as many dogmas and as should be merely trying to lull suspicion few dogma-holders as possible. Under to sleep. But the most obvious feature M. Gambetta's leadership all this has dis- of contemporary French politics is the appeared, or if it has occasionally sur-impossibility of setting up the Republic vived among the older members it has in this way. Napoléon IV. might be been at once suppressed. A party which, brought back by a surprise, Henri V. for the first time since it has been a might be brought back by a surprise, beparty, displays this kind of self-control cause Imperialists and Legitimists have has evidently developed a new and valu- each some hold upon the physical basis able faculty. Granting that it is directed of power. They have friends in the to a particular purpose, the faculty must Executive and friends in the army. But be there before it can be so directed. at present the Republicans have no hold There have been other periods in French upon either, and they can only obtain history in which it would have been one by allying themselves with that modequally for the interest of the Republi-erate party which is willing to accept can party to have earned a character for moderation, but they could not make the necessary sacrifices. They could not impose silence on themselves; they could not leave the guidance of the political campaign to others; they could not keep in the background; they could not refrain from saying things which had the effect of frightening, and were probably designed to frighten, timid allies. In all these respects the Extreme Left have changed, and whatever be the motive of the change, the fact that it has taken place is of itself exceedingly significant.

either a Constitutional Republic or a Constitutional Monarchy, according as it seems easier to set up one or the other. To see and act upon this is not to sham moderation, unless by shamming is meant adopting a course of policy rather from a sense of its necessity than from any abstract love of it. In that sense, no doubt, the extreme Republicans are shamming moderation, but then it would be equally true to say that Sir Robert Peel was shamming zeal for free trade when he repealed the corn laws. The most essential quality in a politician is to distinguish We question too whether those who what is attainable from what is unattainsay that the Left are merely shamming able. It is precisely this which has moderation have quite taken in how nar- usually been supposed to be the characrow in this case the line between pre-teristic merit of English Liberals, and it tence and reality is. What is meant, we is matter for satisfaction that this merit suppose, is that the Left are merely seems at last to be becoming naturalized practising moderation with the view of in France. getting the supreme power into their own From this point of view M. Gambetta's hands; and that as soon as they have speech last Friday is deserving of caresucceeded in this the mask will be ful study. Two years ago the Left althrown off, and their native violence will together denied the constituent powers be again shown. This theory mistakes of the existing Assembly, and there were the meaning of the change. The estab- four fanatical politicians who voted lishment of the Republic is not a single against M. Casimir Périer's proposal the act, it is a long series of acts; and the other day on this same ground. There alliance which is to compass it must not was a great deal to be said in favour of be a mere momentary coalition, it must such a denial. The Assembly was not be the deliberate resolve of men who de-elected to decide upon forms of governtermine to live together because they can ment, and it notoriously does not represent obtain in concert certain advantages the present opinions of the electors. But which they have failed to obtain apart. it has been evident for some time past that

the co-operation of the Left Centre in have been trying to soothe the fears of founding the Republic is only to be had weak-kneed members of the Left Centre. on condition that the existing Assembly But he was speaking when the fate of M. shall be allowed to do the work if it is so Casimir Périer's motion had been decided, minded. There was a time when this when the alliance with the Left Centre discovery would have made no impression had been proved to be for the present on the Left. They would have gone on barren, when the only value of moderadenying constituent powers to the Assem- tion lay in its effect, not upon the Assembly without regard to any loss they might bly, but upon the country. A Republisustain by it. Last Friday M. Gambetta, can who understands that, in order to be speaking in the name of the whole party, permanent, a French Republic must except, we presume, the four irreconcil- recommend itself to the great body of ables who voted against the establish- moderate and conservative opinion

From The Spectator.

M. LEON GAMBETTA ON THE SITUATION. THE French Session has closed with ominous symptoms and one great speech. The Legitimists, despite the declarations of General de Cissey, have openly avowed an intention to strive with all their might for a royalist Restoration, in the person of the Comte de Chambord; and the Bonapartists, by means of an understanding between the Left and Extreme Right, have been absolutely excluded from the Permanent Commission. In some sense,

ment of the Republic the other day, throughout the country, has proved that said: "We formerly questioned your he is able to learn much and to forget constituent power; we accept it to-day, much. for it is a settled matter. . . You have assumed the direction of the country. It is necessary, therefore, that you should not abandon that direction by taking a rest which you have not earned... Your own interest requires you to show the country by not abandoning your duty that you intend to perform it." This language is utterly unlike any that has been used by any French Republican of a former generation. A few years back it would have seemed inconceivable that the leader of the Extreme Left, who has himself exercised most absolute power in the name of the Republic, should call upon a monarchical Assembly to provide France with Republican institutions. The whole Republican tradition was the ostracism of M. Rouher's friends is against such a possibility. The Left had the only positive political product of a always spoken and acted as though the Session devoted to negations; the soliark of the Republic must be touched by tary change in the situation since Nono hands but theirs. Now we find M. vember, 1873, being this resolute excluGambetta speaking in the very same tone sion of the Prince Imperial's champions. as M. Thiers, and telling the Assembly But the speech of M. Léon Gambetta, that it is bound not to leave the country standing, as it does, almost alone in the destitute of "that political and adminis- prorogation-debate, is none the less a trative security without which repose is fact, the weight of which may be underfull of agitation." Political and adminis-estimated on this side the Channel, but trative security is the very blessing that former Republics have failed to confer on France, and they have failed because they have not understood that the first condition of success is to value this security and to convince others that they value it. The conservative element in the French nation will accept no Government which does not make this security its first aim, and without the goodwill of the conservative element no Government can last in France. M. Gambetta's speech reads like a hearty adoption of the Left Centre policy, and this at a moment when the Left Centre policy No Member sitting on the Left, not is necessarily discredited. If he had even M. Thiers himself, could have perspoken just before the division on M. formed a needed service with the eloCasimir Périer's motion, he might simply 'quence, the force, the tact, and modera

will not be contested on the other. It was a moderate, politic, and statesmanlike balance-sheet of a situation brought about by the determination of an elected Assembly to place itself on one side and France on the other, and regardless of national wishes, to take counsel only from its own discordant predilections. The fact was plain enough, visible even to the Deputies themselves; but its bold and adequate statement in words, face to face with the parties who are responsible, was at once a political necessity and an authentic historical testimony.

tion of M. Gambetta. And he was lis- trary, to employ the language of a statestened to almost without a murmur, save man desirous of arriving at a union with from exasperated Bonapartist despera- the sons of France." In answer to some does, who recognize in him their strong- murmurs, he added, "Yes, you are the est foe, and writhe visibly under the sting sons of France, you are to-day soverof his contemptuous scorn. No doubt eigns; there are no others;" and then the Deputies are fascinated by his mas- he brought in his argument that sovertery of language, his superb voice, and eignty knows no rest, and that the interthe dignified forms in which he clothes ests of all demanded either a completion the wholesome truths they so keenly re- of the work which the Assembly had sent; but they listen also with respect, undertaken or a dissolution, and that bred of fear and admiration, to a man refuge in a political stratagem, devised who they know by experience is a polit- for the purpose of gaining time, far from ical force, not merely because he has a conferring security either on the country following, but because he can think or the Government, only doubled the prestrongly and act strongly, as well as vailing disquiet. Nor can the fact be speak with an overmastering energy. denied, since all parties have reserved His colleagues in the Assembly know their claims to employ the Recess in agialso, what they will not always confess, tating each for its own ends. Here were that M. Gambetta is a practical politician, great admissions. and not a revolutionary agitator. Only But the broadest and most powerful the vulgar rank him as a mere dema- section of M. Gambetta's speech was that gogue, and his position nearly resembles in which he showed how the majority had that of Mr. Bright, before the Tories stole several leaves out of his book. The latest and in some aspects the best evidence of M. Gambetta's political character and of the place he has carved for himself on the public stage, is to be found in his speech on the prorogation. It not only contains those happy retorts and that kind of logic which please French ears, but it is characterized by a breadth of view which distinguishes the statesman from the partisan leader. Naturally, the most is made of the fact that an Assembly smitten with impotence sought to display in a refusal to dissolve a striking proof of vigour; that the repose declared to be so needful had not been earned; and that a Chamber, arrogating to itself the powers of a constituent body, has no right, until the work is done, to suspend its labours for months. These propositions are the common property of Republican orators, and it is not in them that the distinctive qualities exhibited by their leader are to be found. He went far beyond these well-trodden limits. Not only did he admit that the Assembly had successfully vindicated its claim to be a constituent body, although it had merely produced an artificial combination, without precedent, without force, almost without a name, but he used this remarkable language,- "You began," he said, "by striking out the Empire; next you sought to restore the Monarchy. C'était votre droit." "You always look on me," he continued, as one animated by a violent passion against your opinions and persons; I seek, on the con

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failed to act as practical politicians. Therein lies the superiority. What are the facts? For three years ineffectual attempts have been made to found a Government which shall not be Republican. During that time every proposal, every concession offered by the Left, has been repelled by the Royalists. But, said the orator, addressing the majority, as statesmen you might surely preserve your objections to a Republic, yet accommodate yourselves to realities, and assume your place in a country where the democracy has always the last word. Then, he said, placing yourselves in harmony with facts, with historic and social necessities, silencing your affections and sentiments, offering them up, indeed, as a sacrifice to the common weal, you would learn that in a free democratic government your part would be conspicuous, a part secured to you by social standing, precedent, ability, and the possession of leisure. Then, instead of repelling, you should welcome the co-operation of those Republicans who proffer a fruitful alliance, and not commit a fault which may prove irreparable. "I say," he exclaimed with emphasis, "that Conservatives, claiming the title of statesmen, having played, and certain yet to play, a great part in the destinies of France, after seeing their cherished preferences fail, as a primary duty should have appealed to the country, and sought what it is that France desires." M. Gambetta, no doubt, declared that France desired the Republic, but whether she does or not, the force of his argument is not less, nor the breadth of his

view curtailed. At all events, after this | vacation, and materially improve the pospeech, which showed so just a spirit sition of the Republicans. Considering towards his opponents, M. Gambetta can how M. Casimir Périer and M. Léon no longer be taunted with the bigoted narrowness which so many Republicans in 1848 inherited from the Great Revolution. It is all very well to talk of the Mountain and the Gironde; universal suffrage and peasant proprietorship are ample safeguards; and M. Raoul Duval could not be contradicted, when he boldly affirmed that in France universal suffrage has always chosen a Conservative majority.

de Malleville were deserted by the Orleanists when the crucial questions of the Republic or a Dissolution were put, it is all the more astonishing that M. Gambetta, instead of sowing dissension by taunting the promised allies, refrained from uttering a single reproach which could offend even the Duc d'Audiffret Pasquier. While almost every other leader in the Chamber will seek his repose with a reputation more or less damaged, the Radical chief has raised his own, not only by his reticence, but by his timely and manful out-speaking. The Septennate may run its seven years, but its heir and executor will be that strong, comprehensive, and really national Republic which M. Gambetta sketched, and which the rivalries and faults of Kings and Emperors have made inevitable.

From The Saturday Review.

AMERICAN WAR.*

IT may seem at first sight to need some excuse that the Count of Paris has volumes to purely introductory matter, devoted the bulk of the first of his large and that chiefly of a military character.

Taking this lofty stand, uttering these telling warnings, M. Gambetta went on to survey the state of freedom, or rather restriction, in France, three years after a disastrous war. What do we see? A state of siege over one-half of France "the sole institution which is left you" -an incomplete military organization, wanting the regulations touching the Cadres so essential to effective existence. Although the invader has long departed, the state of siege cannot be raised, forsooth because there is no Press Law. How, he cried, are new repressive laws needed; are French codes so completely THE COUNT OF PARIS'S HISTORY OF THE ignored that an arsenal of repression, which sufficed for three monarchies, is no longer enough? "You reproach us and sometimes with reason - because in unusual circumstances we applied excep; tional arms; but you are in a normal condition; order is not and cannot be But in fact the work thus done forms its disturbed; yet the liberty of writing throughout three-fourths of France is at own sufficient apology. No writer of any the mercy of Generals of Division!" country had before attempted to present The picture was all the more effective, in a complete form the facts thus gathbecause those who lead the majority were ered together; and yet, without a the loudest to cry for liberty under the thorough study of the peculiar conditions Empire. It was, therefore, legitimate to under which this great war was to be carask that France, by way of improvement, ried on, criticism of its events would be should revert to the status quo ante almost thrown away. The saying combellum, the legislation of 1868,-hard monly attributed to Count Moltke, that enough, surely, to afford Conservative to an educated soldier the operations of protection! Every party in turn has 1861-65 were only "the scramblings of been smitten by the law of the sword, but armed mobs," whether truly reported, or no fewer than one hundred and twenty- is a very just expression of the hopelessinvented for the great German strategist, seven Republican journals have been killed or wounded. It is impossible that ness of attempting to apply exact rules the most bigoted Legitimist could fail to drawn from the practices and conduct of feel the keenness of the question, -Can the standing armies of Europe to those it be in the power of three or four hun- of the improvised forces of free citizens dred Deputies to reverse the French Rev- which for four years struggled for the olution, to prepare for their descendants preservation or destruction of the Amera future outside the sphere of democ-ican Union. Nor have any of those who claim to be standard writers on the war racy? We say that an address so sagacious, so massive, so tolerant, an address which will be sown broadcast over France, cannot fail to work like yeast during the

M. le Comte de Paris, ancien aide-de-camp du général
Histoire de la guerre civile en Amérique. Par
MacClellan. Tome 1. Paris: Lévy. 1874.