THOUGH there are many instances of great statesmen on retiring from political activity producing histories of their own times which are prized by succeeding generations, it is seldom that the successful literary man develops into a leader of the people or director of affairs. The active man may subside into contemplation; the student cannot readily be roused into mastery of men. Perhaps the most striking exception to this rule is seen in the first President of the Third French Republic. Louis Adolphe Thiers was born at Marseilles, April 16, 1797, the son of a locksmith. Stirred by the din of war, the boy wished to become a soldier; but his friends decided to bring him up to the law, and in due time he was admitted to the bar. Soon the young advocate turned to literature as more lucrative. Going to Paris, he contributed to the Constitutionnel and became noted as a political writer. But he aimed at a more solid reputation, and in 1823 he published the first volume of his History of the French Revolution, the last part of which was given to the public in 1832. Meantime he had assisted in founding the National as the organ of the Constitutional Party, and its office became the headquarters of those engaged in the Revolution of July, 1830. Under Louis Philippe, Thiers was elected deputy for Aix, and distinguished himself by financial ability and oratorical power. He became Minis

ter of the Interior in 1832, but soon exchanged this office for the portfolio of Commerce and Public Works. He surrounded Paris with defences that proved formidable when assailed by the Germans. In March, 1840, he was at the head of the ministry, but in a few months was obliged to retire. The literary man found occupation in writing his voluminous History of the Consulate and Empire. The twentieth and last volume of this work was not completed until 1862.

The Revolution of February, 1848, found Thiers unprepared, and when the Republic was proclaimed, he was a National guard, with a musket on his shoulder. His talents and caution, however, secured him a position, first, in the Constituent Assembly, and then in the National Assembly. He thus declared his principles: "I am no Radical, gentlemen; the Radicals know this very well,-one has but to read the journals to be convinced. But understand me well: I am of the party of the Revolution, both in France and in Europe. I wish the government of the Revolution to remain in the hands of moderate men, and shall do what in me lies to keep it in such hands. But even if this government passes into the hands of men less moderate than myself and my friends, into the hands of passionate men, even of the Radicals themselves, I shall not on this account abandon the cause; I shall always belong to the party of the Revolution." As he was going to the Chamber for the first time after his election by no less than five constituencies, some one said, "Whatever you do, don't give us America!" Thiers replied, "If you won't have North America, mind you don't get South America!" On the election of Louis Napoleon to the Presidency, some expected Thiers to take office; but the firmness of his principles prevented the offer being made, and he was banished in the coup d'état of December 2, 1851. After living some time in Switzerland, he was allowed to return to Paris, but not until 1863 did Thiers re-enter the Chamber of Deputies. He acted in the interest of the Liberals. His speeches taunted the Government with the loss of its foreign prestige, and were among the instigations to the disastrous war with Germany in 1870. Yet when the conflict became inevitable he made a forcible speech, showing that the government was not

ready, and was rushing to certain defeat; but the warning came too late.

During that terrible conflict, after the capture of Napoleon III., Thiers was appointed a member of the Paris Defence Committee. He was felt to be the truest representative of the nation, and as such undertook diplomatic journeys to the Courts of England, Russia, Austria and Italy to implore aid for France. In accordance with the suggestion of the four neutral powers, he opened negotiations for peace with the enemy. These, however, fell through in consequence of Count Bismarck's stern refusal to permit the revictualling of Paris, and the other besieged fortresses. The efforts of Thiers to obtain peace on honorable terms acquired for him the gratitude of his countrymen. After the capitulation of Paris, he was elected to the National Assembly by one-third of the nation. On February 17, 1871, the Chamber made him "Chief of the Executive Power." He also possessed the privileges of a deputy, and was allowed to take part in the deliberations of the Assembly whenever he pleased. On February 28th, Thiers introduced to the Assembly the preliminaries of the Treaty of Peace, which he had assisted in concluding two days previously at Versailles, subject to the ratification of the National Assembly. After a very animated debate these preliminaries were sorrowfully accepted by 546 ayes, against 107 noes. By this memorable treaty France renounced in favor of the German Empire the fifth part of Lorraine, including Metz and Thionville, and Alsace less Belfort; France binding herself also to pay to Germany five milliards of francs.

In March, 1871, the National Assembly removed to Versailles, from which the Germans had just departed, but on the 18th of that month Paris fell into the hands of the Communists. Upon Thiers devolved the heavy responsibility of suppressing their dreadful insurrection. They destroyed his house; but this was only a small part of the injury they inflicted on the great, but ill-fated city. It was not until May 22d that the capital was recovered to the Government by the army under Marshal MacMahon. The supplementary elections of July increased the supporters of Thiers in the Assembly, which, on August 31st, prolonged his tenure of office "until

it shall have concluded its labors," enlarged his powers and changed his designation to President of the French Republic. His energies were chiefly directed to hastening the evacuation of those districts occupied by Germans by paying off the instalments of the war indemnity, and to the re-organization of the French army. He gave to France a degree of freedom and repose which she had perhaps never enjoyed. Yet when Jules Simon made the simple acknowledgmeut that Thiers had liberated the French territory, much irritation was caused by the assertion. By a majority of fourteen the Assembly voted an order of the day which Thiers did not approve. He immediately tendered his resignation. Retiring to St. Germain, he returned to the pursuit of literature and completed his book of scientific philosophy. Whilst at his desk, with pen in hand, he suddenly expired on the 3d of September, 1877. The First President of the Republic received a public funeral in which all Paris took part.

Thiers was the best representative of the intelligent middle class of France, a lover of constitutional liberty, who recognized the benefit of order to secure freedom. As a financier he stood in the front rank. He had a rooted dislike for free trade and for political economy, treatises on which he styled "wearisome literature." As a statesman, he was by turns bold and timid, temporizing and urgent, a prudent pilot aware of the dangers threatening the ship of state. He did not seek power for itself, nor even for the pleasure of commanding, nor yet for the importance it confers. The simple grandeur of his character was seen in his quiet withdrawal from the Presidency of the Republic which he had practically created, for without his efforts it would have been impossible. As a literary man his style was original, clear and fascinating. Simplicity and sincerity of purpose pervaded all his political papers. In his other writings the great fault was copiousness, too great detail of circumstances.

THE COMMUNE OF PARIS.

The Prussians were no sooner withdrawn from Paris, and the terms of peace were not yet arranged, when a remarkable series of events produced a second siege of a most extraordi

nary and fatal kind. There were many elements of dissatisfaction in the city. Necessary as the surrender to the Prussians had been, a great part of the population of the capital were bitterly opposed to it. They believed that they had been betrayed. Then, the events of the preceding months had thrown them into a terrible state of excitement. The "fierce democracy of the Seine" was by no means content with the new Government. It professed to believe that government by the Commune was the only way in which public well-being could be secured. It became evident that a new but definite theory of government had been thought out, and was about to be applied by the leaders of the insurrectionary movement. The subject of communal rights had for some time occupied the minds of political writers in France. Now it was suddenly pushed to the front. The Ultra-Democrats of this time not only upheld the right of each separate municipality to a home-rule in all local matters, independent of interference from government prefects; they deduced from their theory extreme consequences certainly undreamt of by its earlier advocates, and claimed that each commune and each province of the realm should have its own autonomy, and that their common union should be maintained only by a loose federal tie. With this, of course, there were mixed up many other notions. Those who were in favor of socialism, those who were against religion, discontented and abandoned characters of all sorts, joined themselves to the movement.

There is little doubt that the rising might have been put down at once if proper measures had been taken; but the rising was allowed to proceed till it became formidable, and finally communal elections were held, a Commune elected, the central authority at Versailles cast off, and every preparation made for a desperate resistance. Paris, which owed its greatness to that centralization which had been the ruling principle of French government for centuries, was now fighting for decentralization, whilst the provinces were fighting the battle for Paris against the mass of the Parisian lower classes.

Thiers was at the head of the government at Versailles, and he delayed the attack till a large number of soldiers had returned from the German camps. Then it began. On the