another with the Elector of Bavaria. The address was moved in the usual style, approving of these treaties, although they had not then been laid before the House; which occasioned a long debate.

Lord Egmont moved to leave out all the words of approbation in the address. He was answered

by

Mr. Pitt, who said, "The treaty with Bavaria was founded in the best political wisdom; it was a wise measure, as tending most effectually to preserve the balance of power in Germany, and of course to preserve the tranquillity of Europe. The Elector of Bavaria was taken off from the French interest by it, which, as it contributed to weaken the House of Bourbon, it contributed to the continuation of peace. The treaty with Spain was a wise and advantageous measure. The court of Spain had agreed to many concessions; they had agreed to pay a large sum to the South Sea Company; to the re-establishment of the British trade in Spain, that British subjects were to pay no other duties on merchandize than what the King of Spain's own subjects were to pay.'Lord Egmont had observed that the claim of no search had not been revived in the treaty; and not being even mentioned, this essential point

had been totally abandoned. To this part of Lord Egmont's speech Mr. Pitt answered,

That he had once been an advocate for that claim: It was when he was a young man; but now he was ten years older; had considered public affairs more coolly, and was convinced that the claim of no search respecting British vessels near the coast of Spanish America could never be obtained, unless Spain was so reduced as to consent to any terms her conqueror might think. proper to impose.'

Lord Egmont's motion was negatived, by 203 against 74.

On the 20th of March the Prince of Wales died.

It is not the design of this work to state the particulars of any event, which have been already related in other books, unless such relation is This event is no otherwise nevery erroneous. cessary to mention here than as it annihilated the plan of a regular and systematic opposition that was forming, and when completed was intended to act under his Royal Highness's protection and controul. Lord Melcombe's printed account admits this fact in part. But there are letters from persons of the first consideration

which may, perhaps, on some future day be printed, which state this, and other traits of the Prince's character, stronger, and with more truth than Lord Melcombe has done.

The printed accounts of the Prince's character are not very exact. Perhaps they were written very soon after his death, when an impartial writer might be influenced by caution; for all sorts of ministers are eager to prosecute the liberty of the press, when they can do it under the pretence of defending royalty. Nor is it less true, that when they are dismissed from office, no subjects are more eager to exercise this privilege. These accounts state the Prince to have been a man of most excellent talents, and possessing a thorough knowledge of the British constitution, &c. &c. No assertions can be more distant from truth. The best of his qualifications might be negatively described. His heart was not bad; nor was he an enemy to the kingdom; he amassed no private treasures, nor adopted any sinister advice with a view to obtain them; he was not insane, nor under the private tuition of the Princess.

CHAPTER IX.

The Regency appointed.-Debate upon it.-Conduct of the King.-The Bedfords turned out.-Mr. Pitt's treatment of the Duke of Newcastle.-Mr. Pitt's Bill for the Relief of the Chelsea Pen

sioners.

THE death of the Prince of Wales filled the opposition with the greatest consternation and confusion. Several of them thought of making terms with the minister-others of secedingand some were for remaining with the Princess, and taking the chance of events.

The first measure of government was the settlement of a regency, which was done upon fair and liberal terms. The Princess Dowager was made Regent, and guardian of the minor, as well as of her other children. Being a female, there was a council of regency appointed, consisting of the great officers of state, and the Duke of Cumberland was placed at the head of it. This compliment to the Duke occasioned some invidious speeches in Parliament, from gentlemen who

were not acquainted with the Duke's real character.-Time has shewn that the analogies they offered in the way of prophecy had not the least foundation in truth. The Duke had, in the judgment of these gentlemen, treated the Scots rebels with too much severity. But this was a justifiable severity. And those who had latent designs forgave not the disappointment of them.

The debate was upon the clause respecting the council. Mr. Pitt defended the bill; but by something he said concerning the council, Mr. For thought he hinted at the Duke of Cumber land, and began defending the Duke; but Mr. Pitt explained in such terms that Mr. For went away without dividing. The debate being in a committee, the Speaker (Onslow) made a very able speech against the clause, which he deprecated as fraught with great and probable evils; he dreaded no improper ambition in the Duke; nothing, he was confident, was farther from his Royal Highness's heart; but his apprehension was, that the Duke and Princess would not coalesce in measures; and he insinuated in delicate terms, his anxiety upon the misunderstanding which subsisted between the Princess Dowager and the Princess Amelia; and the warm affection between the latter Princess and her