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Ibid., July 2, 1788:

The editor thinks the governor of Rhode Island is about to convene the legislature upon the subject of calling a convention to consider the federal plan. "The weight in the federal senate, of Rhode Island, will be as great as that of the largest state. To preserve the proper balance of power in the national government, it will be expedient that Rhode Island, as well as Vermont, should accede to the new confederation." This extract is published in the Worcester Spy of July 10, 1788, as from a letter from a gentleman in New York.

The same number contains a song, sung in the grand procession at Portsmouth, in honor of ratification.

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Ibid., July 5th:

Contains a very able paper, addressed to the convention of New York, which repeatedly speaks of " the new confederacy" that is being formed.

And the same "grand federal edifice" is pictorially represented with the "10th pillar" - Virginia.

[Massachusetts Centinel, July 12, 1787.]

In reference to the rejection, or, rather, to the postponement of the ratification of the constitution by North Carolina, and other hindrances, which some people seemed to think discouraging, the editor says: "In time of war, the instrument for uniting the states was not accepted by the states for some years after it was submitted. This being the case, it was hardly to be expected that a similar instrument would, in a time of leisure and peace, be completed in a quarter of the time. A year hath not yet expired."

Ibid., July 16, 1788.

"In our next, we hope to announce the erection of the eleventh pillar in support of the new roof, in the accession to the confederation of the state of New York."

An account is given of "the new roof or grand federal edifice," in the federal procession at Philadelphia, 4th inst.: "The dome supported by 13 Corinthian columns "ten columns complete, three left unfinished" on the pedestals, the initials of the 13 American states."

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"In the evening, the grand edifice, with the 10 states now in union, was brought back," etc.

Ibid., Aug. 2, 1788.

The editor announces the news "just arrived" of the ratification of the federal constitution by "THE DELEGATES of the PEOPLE of the STATE of NEW YORK." [The capitals are his.]

The editor then proceeds to make his picture again-this time with eleven pillars, the last one being labelled N. York.

"REDEUNT SATURNIA REGNA.

On the erection of the eleventh pillar of the great national dome, we beg leave most sincerely to felicitate OUR DEAR COUNTRY."

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The last pillar is intended for Rhode Island, who was then holding herself aloof, with "absolute sovereignty," to use Mr. George T. Curtis' admission, -but politically, morally, and financially, much disordered.

"ELEVEN STARS in quick succession rise,
ELEVEN COLUMNS strike our wondering eyes,

Soon o'er the whole shall swell the beauteous dome,
Columbia's boast and freedom's hallowed home."

The following extracts are from the

MASSACHUSETTS SPY, OR THE WORCESTER GAZETTE.

This paper had been suspended during the Shays rebellion, and its publication was resumed with No. 783, Vol. XVII., April 3, 1788.

In this number of April 3, the printer tells the public, that "thanks to our present legislature," this paper is "at length restored to its constitutional liberty," ," "after a suspension of two years." "Heaven grant that the freedom of the press, on which depends the freedom of the people, may in the united states be ever guarded with a watchful eye, and defended from shackles of every form and shape, until the final trump is played."

A paragraph in the same number, shows that even the negroes of Massachusetts understood the distinctness of the states. One of them was tried for theft in some tribunal of their own, and the sentence was: "Fourteen tripe on he necked back, tirteen for united tates- one for brack company."

Ibid., April 10, 1788.

The editor says: "Delegates are to be elected (in North Carolina) to meet in convention first Monday in March, to deliberate and determine on the new

federal constitution, and if approved of by them, to ratify the same, on behalf of that state."

Extract from the account of the proceedings of the legislature: "The senate has not concurred, with the house, in restoring to the rights of citizenship, Shays, Day, and others."

Extract from a letter of John Adams to John Jay, Dec. 16, 1787, "as all the great principles necessary to order, liberty and safety, are respected in it, .. I confess I hope to hear of its adoption by all the states." [Not by the nation.]

Ibid., June 12, 1788.

Extract from a North Carolina letter, dated May 14, 1788: I venture to predict that the constitution will be adopted by a respectable majority of this state, for our convention will never be so mad as to vote themselves out of the union, and think of standing upon their own bottom a distinct nation, surrounded by powerful and confederated states."

[Nevertheless, North Carolina did, on August 1, 1788, reject the constitution by a vote, in convention, of 188 to 88, making it known, however, that she would accede when the amendments, which Massachusetts had proposed for the preservation of state integrity, should be adopted. Thereafter, to wit, on Nov. 21, 1789, feeling assured of the amendments, she held a convention and ratified.]

Ibid., June 19, 1788. "Philadelphia, May 28. A correspondent, who desires the adoption of the constitution by every state, observes that the state of Georgia has granted 30,000,000 acres of land to the new confederacy, provided the adoption of nine states should take place a tract four times as large as old Massachusetts, which at $3 per acre will sink $20,000,000 — double the sum of unredeemed Continental loan office certificates."

The writer speaks of the above as a "tribute of respect to the new confederacy."

Ibid., July 10, 1788, is published a song, sung on the occasion of a procession at Portsmouth, at the time of celebrating the adoption of the constitution :

1ST VERSE.

"It comes! it comes! high-raise the song,

The bright procession moves along,

From pole to pole resound the NINE,
And distant worlds the chorus join."

Ibid., July 17, 1788. "In congress, July 2, 1788. The state of New Hampshire, having ratified the constitution, . and transmitted to congress the same the president reminded congress that this was the ninth ratification. Whereupon. . . ordered, that the ratification, etc., be referred to a committee, to examine and report an act for putting the said constitution into operation, in pursuance of the resolution of the late federal convention."

Extract from a letter from a member of the convention at Richmond, to his friend in Boston, dated June 25: "I have now to congratulate you on the accession of Virginia to the new government; the final vote was taken this day, about 3 o'clock P. M. It was 89 to 79. A motion for previous amendment was negatived by 88 to 80. The form of ratification is prefixed by a declaration that all power, etc., (but I send you a copy)." He then speaks of "discussion of twenty-four days, in which every clause of the plan was weighed and debated."

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Ibid., Oct. 2, 1788. In this number, a well-written paper, signed "Alfred," on the new federal government," says: "It requires no greater share of sagacity than the world gives us credit for, to foresee that thirteen or more different states, possessing separate sovereignty and independence, will very soon, as their numbers multiply, and their opulence increases, engage in civil broils and distressing contentions." He afterward speaks of the federal system as "a form of government which astonishes the political schools of Europe, and which, with a few amendments, will bestow peace and political security to the many millions for whose felicity the states have adopted it."

Ibid., Nov. 13, 1788. In the general court of Massachusetts, November 1, "the committee on the organization of the new government," whose duty it was to investigate and report upon the mode in which the state, and the people thereof, were to perform their constitutional functions in the new system.

The matter was reported on as follows in substance; these recommendations to be provided for by law of the state:

1. That the two houses, by joint ballot, choose the electors for President and Vice-President.

2. That the senators be chosen by the two houses, each having a negative on the other.

3. That "the commonwealth" be "divided into eight districts, and that the inhabitants of each should be authorized to choose one representative to congress."

The above shows that old Massachusetts contemplated acting in the federal system solely as a state- - an independent sovereign; her officers, pro hac vice, being delegates, representatives, and, as she called them in her constitution, "the subjects of this state." The federal pact itself, calls them citizens of the state. She was to choose from among her own citizens and subjects, who owed exclusive allegiance to her, and obedience to her "supreme law"- the federal pact all of her proportion of the officers of the three departments of the federal agency, except such subordinate functionaries as should be provided for by federal law these to be chosen for her, and her federated sisters, from among their respective subjects, and exclusively by their authority.

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The argument made by this long series of extracts from the principal journal of Massachusetts, and those from the Worcester Spy, is the most decisive that could be framed, for it shows precisely how the system was presented and advocated; and what the views and motives of the people were in adopting it. This argument destroys, without remedy, the theory of Story and Webster, for there is, in the whole series, (and the same may be affirmed of the federalist and Elliott's debates,) no sign whatever of the people of the united states, as a nation or great political community, ordaining a constitution, and therein establishing (to use Webster's phraseology) "a distribution of powers, between this, their general government, and their several state governments; on the other hand, it is proved, beyond controversy, that the American commonwealths of people, in a convention of states" (as Hamilton called it), framed the plan; and that each state deliberated on it, in her own convention, having the absolute right to ratify or reject; and finally that each state adopted it, by vote, as a political body. The states, then, gave it all the life and force it ever had, or could justifiably have. Nay, more, not only does this compact of states provide for, direct, limit, and control, the federal government, but this said agency is personally composed of men who are alike members, citizens, and subjects, of the states; and who are not only in allegiance exclusively to the said states, but are elected by them to administer their general government -"the federal government of these states," as the federal convention unanimously called it. These states, as fully organized bodies of people—each one having every

characteristic of a nation-constituted whatever nation there is. They comprised all the people, and held all the territory, leaving out of their jurisdiction not an acre or a man to make a nation of.

The state and the federal constitutions, are alike the fundamental laws of the states the latter being their "supreme law." Both are necessarily subordinate to the law-makers. A federal law operates, and a federal functionary has jurisdiction in, any state- New York, for instance- because it is the sovereign will of the said state, it being with her authority, that the federal government exists in her territory, and acts on her citizens or subjects. Strange as some may think it, there is nothing inconsistent with this view, in the records, history, and political writings of the country, which were contemporaneous with the formation of our federal polity. Everything shows the independent political action of the states, as sovereign bodies, in ordaining and establishing the constitution and their determination to preserve their sovereignty in the union; while not even a syllable shows any national action. The states are self-united as equals; they as self-associated are whatever nation there is; and the phrases, "united states," and "union of states," so often repeated in the federal pact, make, of themselves, an end of all honest controversy of the subject.

No. 2.

THE UNION OF STATES.

Extracts from the Virginia Gazette, published at Richmond, from May 31, 1787, to February 26, 1789.

[The Virginia Gazette, May 31, 1787.]

"Baltimore, May 11. Returns of the delegates appointed by the several states, (Connecticut and Rhode Island except,) to meet in GENERAL CONVENTION at Philadelphia, on Monday the 14th inst., for the purpose of revising the CONFEDERATION of the United States." Then follow the names.

Ibid., June 14, 1787. Richmond, June 14. We expected to have been able to entertain our readers with the proceedings of the federal convention; but we are sorry to inform them, that everything is carried on by them with greatest secrecy. We learn that all the states are now represented, except New Hampshire and Rhode Island.

[The Virginia Gazette, June 21, 1787.]

In stating the purposes of the great political movement, says: "To revise the confederation, and to fall upon a system of commercial regulations, which may tend to the revival and establishment of our credit, and the encouragement of our trade and manufactures, are objects of such magnitude, as to require the united wisdom of the continent." . . And "to render the constitution of the federal government adequate to the exigencies of the union," is also stated to be a purpose.

Ibid., August 9, 1787. "Richmond, August 9. On the 26th ult., the federal convention having resolved upon the measures necessary to discharge their important trust, adjourned till Monday, the 6th inst., in order to give a com

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