averse to it; it was certainly disliked by many persons of rank in the court and army. The blame of having advised it, was afterwards chiefly laid upon Lord Culpepper, whose loyalty, questionless, was above all imputation. But none of the motives already mentioned had been sufficient to determine this doubtful point before the council of war, had not a singular incident put an end to the debate. Colonel William Legge, then in the king's army, was an officer under whom Massey had served in the Scottish war; and they continued on terms of friendship, though their interests were now divided. He had written a letter to Massey urging him to deliver up Gloucester to the king. The governor, in presence of several persons, gave a sharp reproof to the bearer; and returned an answer, in which he rejected the overture, and complained of the unkindness of his friend in endeavouring to corrupt his honour; but he privately recalled the messenger, and desired him to inform Colonel Legge, that, though to avoid suspicion it was necessary he should give him in public such an answer as he had done," he was "the same man that he had ever been, his servant; that he wished the king well; and that, though he would defend himself against Prince "Rupert, if he came before Gloucester, yet, if the king himself should "summon it, he would not hold it against him; his conscience would "not permit him to fight against the person of the king; and he should "be able in such a case to persuade the town to yield." [121] .. This story, gravely related by Clarendon, has never been confuted, though the accuracy of it has been frequently called in question. Such insincerity has not been thought consistent with the character of Massey, [122] and the determined stand that he afterwards made: there is reason to believe that this circumstance has been mentioned by no other contemporary writer; nor does it even appear to have been alluded to in any way during the governor's subsequent career, when he was tossed about among conflicting parties. No parliamentarian pen has exulted in it; nor has any other royalist taxed it with dishonour. Whether Massey actually used such expressions, or whether the messenger, as might naturally occur, mistook or overstated words of mere civility, that could not be extended to such a construction; or lastly, 1643. 1643. whether what he really said was accurately reported, and those who received it and were most interested, strained or construed it too extensively in their own favour, cannot now be known. Admitting the facts to be in the main as they are delivered by one who had ample means of correct information, the most probable conclusion will be, either that the words were misreported or misunderstood, or that the governor of Gloucester changed his mind. Be this as it may, the noble author above cited adds, that the messenger arrived while the council was deliberating, and that his intelligence turned the scale. In an evil hour Charles determined [123] to march by Gloucester, not to be engaged in a siege, nor yet absolutely confiding in the expectation of a surrender. Though such a movement had been the subject of much speculation among the officers, the idea of it was supposed to have been abandoned: and the rather, since a part of the troops (the king's troop) had taken the route for Oxford. As the real motive was known only to the members of the council, and by them kept secret, this sudden change of plan excited some surprise and dissatisfaction. Nobody could imagine who had suggested it or influenced his majesty to adopt it. The general feeling upon this subject is well depicted in a letter of Spencer Earl of Sunderland, addressed to his wife. [124] "The king's sudden resolution of "going before Gloucester, hath extremely disappointed me; for when I "went from Bristol on Monday morning, he was resolved to come "hither this day and to that purpose sent his troop before. Upon "this I, and two or three gentlemen, agreed to meet his majesty "here this day, and to take the Bath in our way, which we did accordingly; by which means we missed his majesty, being gone this morning towards Gloucester; and to-morrow morning he will be be"fore it. [125] The king's going to Gloucester is in the opinion of most "very unadvised. I find the queen is unsatisfied with it; so is all the people of quality. [126] I am unable to give you any account upon "what grounds the king took this resolution." The royalists had applied to many persons in Gloucester, both by messages and letters, mingling threats with exhortations, to induce them to return to their allegiance and receive the king. Among these was an individual of some consequence, whose interest, if it could have been obtained, might have changed the posture of affairs. Alderman Thomas Pury, one of their representatives in parliament, and a deputy lieutenant, had raised himself into notice, by his talent and industry, and was possessed of considerable influence among them. In the house he had zealously pressed every innovation of church and state, and being a speaker of some ability and a man of business, was frequently engaged in their numerous committees, especially such as related to Gloucester. He was in determined hostility to the king; and might think even if he had the inclination, that he had gone too far to recede with safety. On the approach of danger he had hastened down to Gloucester, where himself and his son held military commands, and proved themselves among the most resolute of the defenders. While the king was advancing, some were wavering; and there is good ground for suspicion that he and his party counteracted any thing like a return towards loyalty in the other authorities; for both the mayor and governor seem to have hesitated, the former upon his oath, and the latter upon his ancient service and allegiance. Many historical conjectures have been more groundless than that Pury was greatly instrumental to all the consequences that awaited Charles and the kingdom. The communication that was made to him, may be seen at the end of Dorney's "Relation;" it is sufficient to add, that he returned no answer. [127] 1643. If Massey had ever entertained a hope of persuading the citizens to submission, it must have been annihilated by the resolution which they adopted at a common council, to which the officers of the garrison were admitted; there they called to mind their protestation in the solemn covenant that they had publicly taken but a few weeks before; 126] they examined into their ability and resources, and determined to defend themselves. Rumours of the king's advance had been afloat from Saturday, August the fifth and were received not without August 5. agitation; but whatever might be the impression of this nature, the irresolute were now implicated with those who had cast the die; [129] and the cheerful countenance, and encouraging expressions of the 1643. governor, in some measure, served to appease it. On Sunday, Garrett August 6. a royalist general, shewed himself in the vale with a brigade of cavalry, and sent in a message from Tred worth respecting some horses that had been taken from him on the Cotswold; while his real object seems to have been merely to examine the very ground afterwards occupied by that part of the army which was first led up by the king. Plundering and skirmishing took place on Monday, within a short distance, at Tuffley and Brockthorp, and the inhabitants continued to labour at the fortifications. On the hills were observed straggling bodies of royalists, doubtless, anticipating the speedy occupation of the city, whose towers and spires and whole circumference lay so fairly before their eyes. At length, on Tuesday, it was announced that the king wasat Berkeley, in August 10 direct march towards Gloucester; [130] and on Thursday he made his Sept. 5, in- appearance. On the day that he came in sight, and demanded admittance, the house of commons well knowing what was likely to happen, directed a letter to be written to the governor and townsmen, encouraging them to hold out against him. [131] to clusive. * Tredworth is a tract of land lying under the northern side of Robin Hood's hill, and extending on a gentle slope from the base of it, by Matson meadows, to within cannon-shot of the city. There Charles halted in full military display: he was at the head of about six thousand horse and foot; two thousand horse went round to face the works on the northern side, but the gross of the army, (perhaps of the infantry) had not as yet arrived. The spot on which he was posted, since divided by many enclosures, was then an open field; and must have been visible from the walls, as may now be distinguished by a spectator, in spite of intervening trees and hedge-rows. There is a tradition among the peasants, that the land was covered with standing corn when the army entered upon it in the morning, and that the horses were knee-deep in soil before the close of the day. About two o'clock in the afternoon, two heralds [132] bearing summons from his majesty, appeared at one of the gates, and were allowed to enter. It may seem trivial or unnecessary to remark that one of them at least alighted; but it may be interesting to some readers to learn that in a hostile town and civil war, the respect at all times due to his office was not laid aside, [133] nor the common courtesies of life forgotten; for, trifling as is the fact that appears upon the records, it is not without its weight, that his horse was led away, stabled and fed while he was fulfilling the object of his mission. This was John Philpot, Somerset herald. He wished to have made proclamation openly in the street; but the governor objected, as the king had not expressly commanded it. So he read the summons in the Tolsey, and withdrew. Two hours were allowed for deliberating whether they would accept or reject his majesty's free pardon without any exception; and the mayor had still some scruples respecting his path which were previously to be satisfied. But these were soon appeased or removed; and a written answer was prepared and unanimously agreed to. The persons selected to be the bearers were, for the citizens, Tobias Jordan, a bookseller, and member of the corporation, [134] and for the military, Serjeant Major Pudsey; men who would stand unawed in the presence of the sovereign, and had been thouroughly tutored in the doctrines of resistance. The heralds conducted them to the presence of the King, surrounded by his troops, and attended by Prince Charles, the Duke of York, Prince. Rupert, the commander of his horse, the Earl of Forth, general of his foot, and the noble and distinguished officers of his train. The contrast exhibited in the appearance and demeanor of these messengers, as they are somewhat sarcastically described by Lord Clarendon, is character istic of the party and the times. "Within less than the time prescribed, together with the trumpeter, "returned two citizens from the town, with lean, pale, sharp, and bad "visages, indeed, faces so strange and unusual, and in such a garb and "posture, that at once made the most severe countenances merry, and "the most cheerful hearts sad; for it was impossible such embassadours "would bring less than a defiance. The men, without any circumstance "of duty, or good manners, in a pert, shrill, undismayed accent, said, "They had brought an answer from the godly city of Glocester, to the "king; and were so ready to give insolent and seditious answers to 1643. |