national. The whole constitution expressed this, and it was the demand and expression of the age and crisis, which had no other meaning.

The formative energy of the Principle of American nationality has encountered no serious check from without. But the essential contradictions of the Slave system, radiating from the germ of a false Principle within, have at last worked outwards and out in Secession, till, in 1862, the inherent antagonism of Slavery to the Principles of national life was recognised by the resolution of the New York mass meeting, "that Slavery is treason, that it or the 66 nation must die,--that the national Government "must be wrested from the hands of the Slave Barons, and immediate emancipation be pro"claimed."

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Slavery has been the "fate" of the drama of American politics and of English capital and labour. Mechanical inventions armed it with portentous strength. It has dragged the North and South against their wills to battle; and in England, its 30 million spindles revolved the fate of 100 millions of capital, and four hundred thousand workmen without work, and £250,000 weekly wages lost. It assails the common weal politically, inasmuch as it depresses a nation beneath the status of citizens, and deprives them of their full rights, dignities, or suffrages, and, in return, elevates 190,000 to the position of slave barons, above and against the law. In economics, the result of substituting slave for free labour is equally obvious.

Nationality and Slavery thus contend to the death. Nationality can only triumph with the complete elimination of the hostile element.

The history of the making of the American nation is the history of the development of the Principle of Union by Democratic and free Institutions, and notably of their prolonged and final struggle against their last and greatest foe,-of their faithfulness which has marshalled them to their inevitable victory, and the wrong that has led Slavery to its forefixed doom.

Massachusetts had abolished Slavery. Pennsylvania (1780) adopted a gradual system of emancipation. Also Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire. In New York, Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, and Virginia, further importation was prohibited. In New York, and Virginia, gradual Emancipation Bills failed to pass. In Maryland and Virginia all restriction on emancipation was removed, and many of the most distinguished citizens were for entire emancipation. Virginia and Maryland were hostile to slavery, and South Carolina and Georgia were its advocates.*

In 1774 the first general Congress resolved against the Slave trade.

In 1785 an Abolition Society was organised at New York.

Till 1804, even South Carolina passed acts prohibiting the Slave Trade.

In 1784 a majority of six States to three, and sixteen members to seven, was for abolishing slavery after 1800 in the whole of the territories.

* Holmes' "Parties and their Principles, p. 33."

This proposition was "that after the year 1800, "there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary "servitude in any of the said States, otherwise "than in punishment of crimes," &c. The majority voting for freedom, in this first great party struggle, were Foster, Blanchard, Garry, Partridge, Ellery, Howell, Sherman, Wadsworth, Dewitt, Paine, Dick, Miffin, Montgomery, Hand, Jefferson, and Williamson. This majority was not, according to the rules, sufficient to pass the proposal, which was, however, adopted by the "ordinance of 1787," as to that part of the territory North-west of the Ohio.*

*From this period to the "Dred Scott" case, the facts, relating to Divisions in Congress, &c. are almost entirely on the authority of Arthur Holmes' Political Manual.

HISTORY.

CHAPTER II. ·

1777-87 to 1833.

DISUNION, OR DE-NATIONALIZATION.

THE ERA OF COMPROMISE.

"The real question is,-Are our Slaves to be presented with FREEDOM or with a DAGGER?"—Jefferson, 1820.

"The cunning minister neither sees, nor is concerned to see, any further than his personal interests and the support of his administration require. If such a man overcomes, triumphs, and is flattered by his mercenary train, it often amounts to no more than this, that he got into distress by one series of faults, and out of it by another. That scheme of the reason of state which lies open before a wise minister contains all the great principles of Government, and all the great interests of his country: so that as he prepares some events, he prepares against others, whether they be likely to happen during his administration, or in some future time."-Bolingbroke.

“The knave is a fool with a circumbendibus."--Coleridge.

"The general idea of the men of that day, was that somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away."-Stephens, Confederate Vice-President, 21st March, 1861.

"The principles of the amendment were agreed on,-that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain day, and deportation at a proper age. But it was found that the public mind would not yet bear the proposition; nor will it bear it even at this day. Yet the day is not distant when it must bear and adopt it, or worse will follow. Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people are to be free. It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably. *** If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up."-Jefferson, 1821. His Works, v. i. p. 48. Autobiography.

"If something is not done, and soon done, we shall be the murderers of our own children."-Ibid. 1797.

I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just."Ibid.

It can never be too often repeated that the time for fixing every essential right on a legal basis is while our rulers are honest, and ourselves united. From the conclusion of this war we shall be going down hill. It will not then be necessary to resort every moment to the people for support. They will be forgotten, therefore, and their rights disregarded. They will forget themselves, but in the sole faculty of making money, and will never think of uniting to effect a due respect for their rights. The shackles, therefore, which shall not be knocked off at the conclusion of this will remain on us long, or will be made heavier and heavier till our rights shall revive or expire in a convulsion."--Jefferson's Works, v. 8. p. 402.

war,

"If the South succeeds in establishing its independence, it will be nothing more than the same Slave Power, shorn of half its strength.'

a

"PURITANISM * * born fanaticism ** this pestilence * * merciful Providence surely never designed that its power should be perpetual in any one country. Eternal punishments are only inflicted in the eternal world.

"And in this matter let me add that about which I may speak with the confidence of one who is familiar with the subject by a lifetime experience and observation. The relations subsisting in America between the Africans and the inhabitants of European blood can never be materially changed by the consent of the latter ; which consent would be essential to a gradual enfranchisement of the slaves. Slavery, under the circumstances there existing, can only be eradicated by violence, sudden and overwhelming.""The South Vindicated," pp. 128, 400, 408-9.