several funny stories about two Irishmen named Pat and Mike, showing that he hasn't forgotten that he is Irish although the rest of his countrymen in Manchester evidently have done so. The Chief would do nothing but laugh at any mention of politics but we went away satisfied for we had seen a local celebrity. It is doubtful whether the people of New Hampshire realize that Chief Healey has been an issue in almost every campaign of this generation. The bitter fight in last winter's Legislature over the police commission was mainly an attempt on the part of the Democrats of Manchester to rid themselves of Healey. The first clash between Governor Brown and his council over the appointment of Judge Center was purely a Healey matter. A Manchester Democrat told us that the Republican party in that city was composed of W. Parker Straw, Ex-Governor Albert O. Brown and Chief Healey, and the venom with which he spat out the last name revealed to us where his heart was, or rather, where it wasn't. But what has the Chief to do, you ask, with the fight for Mayor. In order to answer this question, you must go back down to Elm Street with me, and up into a certain law office. We find there a rather small man, seated on a table with his coat off, talking at the rate of about sixty words to the minute, whose quick bindlike movements of the head, and dynamic gesticulations mark him as being one of that nationality which comprise a third of Manchester's population, a Frenchman. As he turns his sharp eyes upon us we feel a thrill of fear, and realize that we must be careful because we are standing in the presence of Hillsborough County's aggressive young solicitor, Ferdinand Farley. Mr. Farley used to be a Republican, as did many other Manchester citizens, but he is now a Democrat, as are a great many other Manchester citizens. He is a graduate of Harvard and very popular with the French of Manchester. So popular that many are conjecturing as

to whether George Trudel would even succeed in splitting the French vote with him should he receive the Democratic nomination. Mr. Farley ran for Solicitor as an anti-Healey man. He is now accused by some of his opponents of being two friendly with the hated monster. We rather doubt the truth of that statement, for in our experience we have always found that one can't be too friendly with a policeman. Be that as it may, labor has apparently turned against Farley, and Barry and Rivierre are said to be condemning him bitterly, although he granted them the use of his lawn once during the strike.

But we must hasten if we are to even look in behind the scenes of this theatre. Over on Granite Street there is a little German delicatessen store kept by Reinhart Hecker and his son Frederick. Frederick was the man who introduced the 48-hour bill in the session of 1921. Those who have visited the little store inform us the German population of that side of the city who were formerly Republicans, and in 1922 were Democrats, are inclined to be holding themselves aloof from this primary contest.

A visit to Guy Foster, the newly appointed chairman of the Republican City Committee, gives us little result, except that the Republicans will give out no statements until after the primaries. Mr. Foster does enlarge upon his personal admiration for Mayor Trudel, claiming that he was not unjust to the strikers during his administration, and that when all the facts shall become known, the present administration will be justified by its efficiency and business ability.

And now after our pilgrimage is finished we know that we have penetrated only to the outer court of the temple. We have barely glimpsed the situation in Manchester. We are confused by the questions of race which seem to obscure the suituation. We hear many conflicting remarks. The French will stick together. The French will not attend the primary. The Germans are holding

aloof. The Irish are divided into fac

many sincere and able leaders. She cares little for the name Democrat or Republican. It would perhaps behoove

political leaders throughout the state of New Hampshire to realize that underneath the confusion and the race and religious prejudice of Manchester there are certain real issues involved, that the corporations are not all oppressing the poor, and that the labor leaders are not all demagogues and that the harmony and prosperity of New Hampshire is likely to be arfected very largely by developments in Manchester in the near future.

F the reader of this article will realize

that the average production per hen, of all the hens in the state of New Hampshire, is something like 70 eggs and then bear in mind that 70 eggs at the average price which was received during the past twelve months will not pay the hen's board, then he will realize the value of a culling campaign.

The average commercial poultry grower has, in the past three years, become more or less thoroughly familiar

with the methods used in culling out the non-productive and non-profitable hens. This information has reached him. partly through the printed page in our various farm papers and poultry papers, and to a large extent through a series of culling demonstrations which have been carried on during the last three years by members of the staff of the Poultry Department of the University of New Hampshire, working in co-operation with the several county farm bu

reaus. At the annual meeting of the county agents held in Durham, in December usually, the program of demonstrations is laid out. A certain length of time is given to each county agent or, in other words, to each county,—usually a week; however, in the following counties: Merrimack, Rockingham, Hillsborough, and Strafford, two weeks have usually been assigned. During the winter months when the county agent is making up his program for the following season's work those communities which signify a desire to have a poultry meeting or culling demonstration notify the county agent and he makes the arrangements with the poultry project leaders in the various communities to put these meetings on. He usually notifies all of the members on his mailing list of these meetings and the poultry project leader notifies all the members in his neighborhood, very often by telephone.

At the time the demonstration is held, the representative of the Poultry Department going to the owner's poultry plant, usually culls over one pen, removing all those birds which in his opinion are non-profitable or non-productive. A record has previously been kept for a week of the total production; then a record is kept the week succeeding the demonstration of the production of those birds which remain, together with the production of the culled hens.

The following set of figures obtained in Strafford County on the culling demonstrations held this summer gives a fair idea of what this culling can and will do. The average production of 329 hens was 33 percent. Of the 329 hens, just 100 were removed. These birds produced in seven days after they were removed 118 eggs, or 16 percent production. The 229 birds which remained after culling had taken place produced in the succeeding week 724 eggs, or 45 percent production. At the present prices of grain, it costs approximately 7c per day to feed a hen which would mean that the 100 culled birds would

eat 70 cents' worth of grain in a day. The culled birds produced approximately 17 eggs per day. The price of eggs at the time the culling was carried on was approximately four cents a piece; in other words, the 100 birds laid 68 cents' worth of eggs per day and instead of paying any profit the 100 birds were losing two cents per day. It is this type of non-profitable and non-productive hens that the culling has been trying to eliminate from the flock. These particularly poor laying hens are found in every flock, the number of course varying with the strain of hens and with the skill of the producer.

Those men who are paying some attention to the selection of their stock and are making a real effort to increase the production of their stock are finding that they are having fewer and fewer culls; they find, further, that their pullets are laying earlier and earlier each season and laying later and later the succeeding fall. In other words, their pullets are laying over a longer period of time, beginning to lay approximately a month earlier than they used to and two months later in the fall than they were previously in the habit of doing.

There were 124

The following figures obtained from the Extension Service office give the number of demonstrations held, together with the total attendance. These figures apply to the year 1922. demonstrations held, and the total attendance was 2490. If one assumes that each person who attended made an earnest attempt to cull his flock, then it easily can be assumed that the number of flocks which were culled and the total number of hens which were culled and removed and sold made a great saving to the poultrymen of the state in that one season alone; and, of course, this saving continues through succeeding seasons, and the results of the information furnished at these culling demonstrations go on in an ever widening circle.

T

HE bold backwoodsmen of New Hampshire were not slow to resent encroachments upon their liberties, and none more eagerly leaped to arms at the trumpet call of the Revolution. No class among them responded more readily or did more efficient service in the Council and in the field than the veterans of the French and Indian Wars. Thirty years had passed since Ezekiel Worthen served at Louisburg in Pepperell's victorious army and eighteen since his flight from the horrible butchery of Fort William Henry. His service to the commonwealth well merited a life of peaceful retirement; but the stirring days of '75 and '76 found this veteran of more than three score and five years one of the most active among the patriots of New Hampshire. During the first two years he was one of the leaders of his state in directing the progress of the Revolution. His service embraced not only the shaping of defensive legislation, but the equipment of troops, the fortification of the coast and the actual command of military forces.

The eve of the Revolution was characterized in New Hampshire as elsewhere by clashes between the Legislature and the Royal Governor. Ezekiel Worthen was a member of the Assembly which convened at Portsmouth on April 7, 1774, and which, after serious disagreements with Gov. John Wentworth, was dissolved. The members before separating recommended the election of a Provincial Congress to take measures for the public welfare, independently of the authority of the Crown. Such Congress or Convention, known as the "First Provincial Congress of New

Hampshire," met at Exeter on July 21, 1774. The Colony was drifting rapidly toward rebellion. In December about 200 men descended upon Fort William and Mary at New Castle on Great Island at the entrance of Piscataqua Harbor, overcame the garrison and removed a quantity of powder, some small arms and fifteen light cannon. The Second Provincial Congress met in January and continued the work of separation.

The Third Provincial Congress, in which Kensington was represented by Capt. Ezekiel Worthen and Mr. Benjamin Prescott, began its brief session two days after the battle of Lexington. The Fourth Provincial Congress met at Exeter on May 17, 1775. It consisted of 134 delegates, 31 of whom held military titles. Stackpole says "it was a remarkably able body of men, wise, patriotic and as firm as the granite hills of their province."1 To them fell the task of preparing New Hampshire for war-offensive and defensive. Captain Ezekiel Worthen took a conspicuous part in this work, both as a member of the Convention, and as one of the leaders in executing its military measures. Early in the session (on May 19th) Capt. Worthen was appointed one of a committee of three to select carriages suitable for the light field cannon then in the possession of the provincial authorities.2 His colleagues were Enoch Poor and Nicholas Gilman, both men of ability and distinction.

The British frigate, Scarborough, commanded by Capt. Barclay, and the sloop of war Canceau, were then threatening Portsmouth. They seized

all inward bound ships, confiscating the provisions on board for the use of the British Army, and stopped all fishing boats which attempted to leave the harbor. In retaliation they were refused supplies, and shots were exchanged by one of their boats and a guard on shore. Conditions were critical and an open conflict expected. Capt. Barclay began to dismantle the Fort in order to prevent its equipment from falling into the hands of the Provincials, and they hastened to add to their scanty supply of war material by carrying away eight more cannon from the battery at Jerry's Point, on the southeast corner of Great Island.

The town of Portsmouth was in momentary fear of attack, and among other defensive measures the Convention voted on June 5th to raise a company of field artillery, to be equipped with the light cannon taken from the battery on Great Island. Stackpole says, "A company of artillery was raised for the defense of Portsmouth and cannon were planted on the Parade by a skilled engineer, Capt. Ezekiel Worthen of Kensington."3 The authority under which he acted was doubtless the following resolution of the Convention adopted on June 7th:

"Resolved that the Committee of Portsmouth, together with Captain Ezekiel Worthen be desired to provide a number of Fascines, and also to procure proper Carriages for those Guns removed from Jerry's Point; and also such other materials as they may think necessary for erecting a Battery to hinder the passage of ships up to the Town; and also that they Endeavor (if it can be done with secresy and safety) to get what shot may be at the Fort at New Castle; and that all these matters be done with the utmost secresy the Business will allow of, And then determine upon some suitable place for a Battery where the materials when completed may suddenly be removed to."4

3.

The Chairman of the Committee of Safety of Portsmouth, the Hon. Hunking Wentworth, an uncle of the Royal Governor, was then about 79 years of age, and his health had been somewhat impaired by epileptic attacks. He was a man of high standing and sincere patriotism. The object of the Convention in designating Capt. Worthen to act with the Portsmouth Committee was evidently to furnish them with an expert on military affairs capable not only of giving sound advice but of executing efficiently such plans as might be adopted. Portsmouth was the only seaport of New Hampshire, an important town and the point most exposed to attack. Hence his appointment was a high tribute and indicates the esteem in which he was held by his colleagues of the Provincial Congress.

Gov. John Wentworth made some disparaging remarks about the mental and physical qualifications of his venerable uncle as a leader of the rebels in arms against his government, but the event proved him to be no mean antagonist. The Governor found his capital an increasingly uncomfortable place of residence, and after a vain attempt to regain control of the situation by convening the old Assembly (which was, theoretically at least, held under authority of the Crown), took refuge on the Scarborough and sailed for Boston on Aug. 24, 1775. Thus ended the last vestige of British rule in New Hampshire.

Meanwhile Capt. Worthen continued to discharge his duties, both legislative and military. On June 27, he was appointed chairman of a committee to fit up and send cannon "and proper implements for their use" to the army at Medford. The Portsmouth Committee had devoted much attention to plans for fortifying the harbor, designating a sub-committee to make recommendations, doubtless under the advice of their military expert. This committee on fortifications, prepared the following