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unmoved the changes sought to be engrafted upon a constitution they had so long held sacred. The high principles that actuated them, the sincerity of their beliefs, and their unfaltering devotion to the Constitution as they understood it-and they did understand it—were neither known nor appreciated by those who so bitterly opposed them. It is for this reason that the time has not yet come when a history of the war between the States can be written from the victor's viewpoint that will be just, or that can show the motives by which the people of the South were dominated.

A new generation has grown up since the war was ended and to all of this new generation whose fathers or grandfathers bore a part in that series of conflicts unparalleled in the history of the world it may be said by all candid men that to neither side was there shame, to neither all the glory of brave deeds done. The meeting of Greek with Greek was but a diminutive type of the clash between the free men of America—the heroes on both sides who fought with a courage and a valor never known before in the story of the world's wars. To decry the part taken by the South in that war is but to utterly shame the North. That the South, without resources and with inferior numbers, with hopeless odds against her from the beginning, for four years resisted armies that had the wealth of the world and the men of all nations to draw from, is its own commentary on the valor of the men who wore the gray and on the spirit that animated them. The passing of the years has much softened the animosities engendered by the conflict, but not yet has the time come when the South's entrance into that conflict may be understood or understandingly set down save by her own people. There are men like Robert E. Lee, "Stonewall" Jackson, Albert Sidney Johnston, and Nathan Bedford Forrest, whose fame has brightened as the years went by, and the North concedes their brilliant military genius. The motives and deeds of Jefferson Davis have become better understood and have been appreciated even by many of Northern sympathies. But upon the war

as a whole the Southern light must be thrown if the historian of the future is to know the truth.

Passions ran high when in the North there was not a hamlet without the knowledge that some of its best men were buried in unmarked graves on the bloody battlefields of four years past. It was then that much was written that must be forgotten now, but which is still quoted and used by the Northern historian. The loyalty of the South to the restored Union was shown in the war with Spain, and then, as always before, she sent her bravest to the front. The day of national brotherhood has dawned again, and it is in the spirit of exact justice that the authors of this volume have set forth the motives and causes that impelled the South to resistance in the bygone days. There is no bitterness, but the truth should in all things be set down.

All that is possible in a single volume-and what has been attempted by the authors of this volume-has been to state the Southern view of the war and of its origin, the plans of campaign adopted by the North and the general movements by which these plans were carried out, as well as the manner in which they were viewed at the South. Even a cursory mention of much that is interesting has been of necessity omitted. As far as possible, the original sources of information have been consulted, and some events are here correctly narrated for the first time. The endeavor has been to present a brief, yet sufficiently truthful and comprehensive narrative of the four years of battles. It is the great central movements affecting the final result that it has been sought to outline, as showing the manner in which the subjugation of the South proceeded and the determined. opposition that was offered.

The unfortunate death of Captain William Robertson Garrett, who outlined the plan on which the work was to be written and completed the equivalent of about eight chapters, left the work to be completed by another. One of his last acts was to urge me to complete this volume, in which he was intensely interested. After he consulted with the

editor, I agreed, on the night before Captain Garrett's death, that I would complete it. The warm friendship and close relations existing between the two authors, and Captain Garrett's full explanation of his plans for the remainder of the volume, were such as to insure unity of design in the completion of the work, which follows closely the lines originally planned. ROBERT AMBROSE HALLEy.

Nashville.

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The centripetal and centrifugal forces of the Union.
promise the framework of the Constitution. Acquisition of
foreign territory cause of sectional strife. Slavery agitation
a political question. The Missouri Compromise. Calhoun's
nullification plan. His plan to acquire Texas. The political
equilibrium threatened. Sections political and geographical
identical. Secession or subjection? Six States pass ordinances
of secession. Convention of the Confederate States. A Pro-
visional Constitution adopted. Inaugural of President Davis.
Points of difference between the Federal and Confederate
States' Constitution. The first Confederate Cabinet. Con-
ciliatory attitude toward the United States government.
Preparations for defence. A peace commission appointed.
Laws and institutions unchanged in seceded States. Attitude
of the other Southern States. Divided sentiment in the North.
The Federal Constitution and States Rights reservations. The
Federal government regarded as the source of power. The
"period of hesitation. The Crittenden resolutions. "Peace
Congress" meets at Washington. Senate and House per-
emptorily reject plans of accommodation. Lincoln's views

in 1848 on the right to rebel. His inaugural declaration of
non-interference with slavery. Buchanan's efforts for peace.

II THE OUTBREAK OF WAR

37-70

Lincoln's inaugural address. Non-interference with slavery.
Enforcement of Fugitive Slave provisions. The Union is per-
petual. The North unified and inspired by the address. The
South indignant and defiant. The Border States dispirited.

CHAPTER

The president's constitutional arguments and constitutional
history contrasted. Major Anderson concentrates his garrison
in Fort Sumter. Negotiations for its relinquishment to South
Carolina. Attempted reinforcement of the garrison. The
Star of the West fired on. Governor Pickens demands sur-
render of Fort Sumter. The status of Forts Taylor, Jeffer-
son, and Pickens. Failure of the Confederate commissioners
to secure the ear of the president. Seward's "memorandum."
He is charged with duplicity. His "Faith as to Sumter fully
kept" message. Judge Campbell's embarrassing position.
Cause of the tangled situation. Expeditions to relieve Forts
Sumter and Pickens. Major Anderson condemns proposed
breach of faith with the South. Beauregard demands surren-
der of Fort Sumter. It is refused. A second demand and
refusal. Fort Sumter fired upon. Senator Wigfall's mission.
Fort Sumter evacuated. The South for peace.
Lincoln's
first call for troops. Northern States respond unanimously.

The Border States, except Maryland, decline to furnish troops.
Virginia repeals ratification of the Federal Constitution.
Robert E. Lee appointed to command the Confederate troops
in Virginia. Arkansas, North Carolina, and Tennessee se-
cede. The peculiar conditions in Virginia and Tennessee.
Military preparations in Tennessee. Union sentiment in
East Tennessee. Movement for a separate State. Blockade
of Southern ports.

III SUBJUGATION OF THE BORDER STATES

PAGES

71-98

The Border States and their importance to the combatants.
The foreign element. Influence of this element. Analysis
of the population in the slaveholding States. The senti-
ment of Delaware. Governor Hicks's temporizing policy.
Assault on Federal troops at Baltimore. The occupation
of Maryland. The legislature under military surveillance.
Maryland railways and telegraphs taken in charge of Federal
authority. The governor invites Federal protection. Mili-
tary rule.
The Supreme Court and the military power at
conflict. War Department orders coercive measures against
the legislature. Maryland in sympathy with the South.
Secession not generally approved. Remains in the Union.
Furnishes troops for the United States. Many Marylanders
join the Confederate army. The sentiment of Kentucky. The
governor refuses troops to both the United States and Confed-
erate governments. "Armed neutrality" policy adopted.
Growth of Union sentiment. Troops for defence provided.

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