no room to apprehend, that they should be employed in establishing a selfish and tyrannical domination.

The history of Chili was not marked by any striking political events. An expedition was fitted out against the island of Chiloe, which met at first with some success, but was finally unfortunate; so that this remained the solitary position held by the old Spaniards in Chili, and finally in South America. It would seem to have been wiser had the Chilians directed this force to the support of the hard struggle maintained by the independent cause in Peru.

Buenos Ayres, during this period, was happily emerging from that abyss of anarchy in which she had been plunged. She had been peculiarly fortunate in Ribadivia, the secretary of government, whose exertions had been indefatigable to introduce order into all the branches of administration, and particularly to promote the progress of knowledge and intellectual culture. In the beginning of April, the election of a governor took place, and the choice fell on Gregorio de las Heras, an individual described as highly meritorious, and likely to continue to act upon the system of Ribadivia. In the message of the executive of the 3d May, a favourable report is given of the progress making in all the branches of government and public economy; police, agriculture, finance, public instruction, and charitable establishments. The orderly manner in which so delicate an operation as the election of a governor had been conducted was also a most favour able omen of the future peace of the state. The grand object, with a view to the welfare of the Platane states, was the union of its different members into one body. The provincial spirit, always the scourge of these new governments, had raged here with peculiar violence. The provinces, besides the particular pretensions of each, concurred in a general

jealousy of the supremacy claimed by Buenos Ayres; though this seems sufficiently authorized by its magnitude, and the advantages of its situation. The merit and address of its present rulers, with the visible prosperity which Buenos Ayres enjoyed under them, enabled them, in the course of the present year, to make a grand step towards overcoming these obstacles. On the 12th December, a National Congress was assembled at Buenos Ayres. Las Heras, in his opening address, expatiated on the benefits which the provinces would enjoy from the union now about to be happily effected. He congratulated them on the amicable position in which the republic stood with regard to all the powers of America, with the single exception of Brazil, whose conduct in retaining possession of the Cisplatane territory, and endeavouring to give to this occupation the appearance of legality, was bitterly complained of. In regard to Europe, it was observed, "As to the great powers, some show a vacillation, and others a decided malevolence towards our republic. This is a consequence of the false position in which they have placed themselves. Royalty enjoys real power only by borrowing its means from the improved state of society. Kings, dreading the general movement round their thrones, wish to return to their former immobility. Hence has sprung the inexplicable dogma of legitimacy which torments the nations of Europe, and for the support of which the Holy Alliance has been framed. The Holy Alliance can scarcely recognize governments like ours, whose origin does not ascend to the dark ages, and which are founded only on the rights of nations. Nevertheless, we have no room to fear that the troops of the Holy Alliance will cross the Atlantic to restore here the odious legitimacy of the Catholic King. Great Britain, free from any engagement with these allies, has adopted to wards the States of America the most

noble conduct, such as suits the most civilized, the most free, and thence the most powerful nation in Europe. The solemn acknowledgment of our republic will be the consequence of the principles which she has proclaimed. Believe, gentlemen, that this important event depends solely, in regard to our provinces, on their showing themselves united as a nation, and capable of maintaining the good institutions which they already possess."

The Prince, or, according to the title which he chose to assume, Emperor of Brazil, had made a somewhat ostentatious profession of liberal principles He had added the title of Constitutional to that of Emperor, and had called a Congress to deliberate on a system for the future government of Brazil. In this assembly, however, the opposition, headed by the Andradas, two ministers whom he had lately dismissed, soon gained a complete ascendancy. They refused to the prince all the disputed points, the veto, the power of dissolving the national assembly, and restricted his authority within the narrowest limits. The Andradas also conducted a newspaper, in which the measures of government were subjected to the severest censure. The young emperor, not deeply imbued with the constitutional principles which he professed, was seized with indignation, and had recourse to the most violent and irregular measures. The army were the illegal instrument brought into play, and they were induced, still more illegally, to come forward in their own name. The emperor, having assembled them round his palace, sent a message to the assembly, stating, that the army felt itself aggrieved by newspapers, known to be conducted by some members of the assembly. The Congress, on receiving this singular message, sent two secretaries, requesting to know what officers considered themselves injured by the journals in question. The complaint was stated, in reply, to be made by a body representing the whole of the army.

The minister of the interior, on being called upon by the assembly, admitted that no steps had been taken, in the regular course of justice, to repress or punish the licence of these journals. While this answer was under deliberation, intelligence was received, that the army was under full march, holding in its hands ample means of terminating every discussion. The place of meeting was soon surrounded by troops, and an officer appeared, bearing the emperor's mandate to dissolve the assembly. About twelve of the leading members of opposition were arrested as they went out, and carried to a small prison in the mouth of the harbour, previous to deportation to a more distant quarter.

Such proceedings require no comment, nor need much be said to show how inconsistent they were with every idea of a constitutional administration. This much only can be said for the prince, that he accompanied them with proclamations, in which he denied most solemnly every project of establishing an absolute government. Soon after, he put forth the project of a constitution, which, on the tacit consent of the people, might be used as provisional, with the evident hope of its afterwards being more regularly approved. We hesitate not to say, that this constitution appears very unexceptionable, provided it be observed; but if, whenever the emperor sees any results arising out of it, contrary to his wishes, he thinks himself entitled to tear it up, and plant another in its stead, it can never be more than a mere empty show. Even the having once done so must be a precedent of very evil tendency. However, it must be allowed, that the constitution thus given has as yet been pretty faithfully adhered to. Indeed, he was kept during this year very much on the alert, by the apprehension, resting on very slender rumour, of invasion from Europe. The northern provinces, meantime, proved very refractory, particularly Pernambuco, which even set up

an independent republican government; and it required a strong force by land and sea, the latter commanded by Lord Cochrane, to compel the inhabitants to incorporate themselves into the political system formed by the emperor.

The career of the United States was generally prosperous and happy, and great interior improvements continued to be carried on. The chief legislative regulation was the formation of a new tariff, founded, we are sorry to say, on the most unenlightened principles. Its object was to impose duties, not prohibitory, but heavy, on all foreign, particularly manufactured goods; thus to narrow the enjoyments and accommodations of their own people, and to force their deficient capital into a less natural, and therefore less advantageous channel. The United States add thus another example of the remarkable fact of popular governments adopting the most illiberal views upon commercial subjects. It is indeed truly singular, that while all the great commercial states of the old world are throwing off the fetters of an exploded system, the Americans should seize that very moment blindly to entangle themselves in them.

A more than usual agitation was excited, towards the close of 1824, by the election of a President, an event which takes place every four years. Four candidates started, each of whom was powerfully supported, and the canvass was carried on with extraordinary ardour, though without committing, in any degree, the public tranquillity. The northern states, federal, commercial, and intelligent, gave their vote for Mr Adams, a moderate and highly respectable statesman, supposed to entertain views nearly similar to those of the British cabinet. On the other hand, the Carolinas supported General Jackson, who had distinguished himself by the successful defence of New Orleans, and who professed the highest democratic principles.

The negro republic of Hayti was now rising every day into greater importance and consideration. Transactions of considerable extent have lately passed between it and France; having in view, on one side, the recovery of some shadow of ancient dominion, and, on the other, a full recognition of independence. President Boyer's message of 18th October, 1824, gives a general view of these proceedings. The first time that any propositions were made that could be listened to, was in 1816, when M. Aubert, who, by a profession of liberal principles, had obtained the esteem of the Haytian government, announced, that Louis XVIII. “had determined to consecrate our independence, and limited his claims to the right of Suzerainete, with indemnities for the cession of territory and loss of property." The re

ply was positive in rejecting the least shadow of dependence or vassalage, but admitted the demand of a moderate indemnity. The French broke off the negotiation; but some years after, confidential notes were received from Clermont Tonnerre, minister of marine, intimating, that if the Haitian president would save the honour of France, by taking the first step, he would find that power not indisposed to assent to the views which he had formerly held out. The president accordingly sent General Boyer to Paris, in May, 1823. The negotiation failed, however, in a manner, of which Boyer only states, that it was "by a chicane on the nature and mode of the indemnity proposed." Yet, in the months of August and October, 1823, two letters were received from M. Esmengart, and these were reinforced by the mission of M. Lanjon, in November; the tenor of all which communi

cations was, that the negotiation had only failed in consequence, of a slight deviation from the original proposals; but that, if he would repeat them precisely as they stood, he might depend upon their acceptance. Accordingly, in May, 1824, the president sent a fresh mission, and, after their departure, he received no less than ten letters, expressing impatience at the delay. “Yet," says he, " by an inconceivable fatality, which always withdraws the French ministry from the accommodation which it always appears to desire; by a system of tergiversation, which allows it not, at the moment of conclusion, to admit the propositions already admitted, or which makes it reproduce pretensions which had been abandoned, in order to create an opportunity of alleging the insufficient powers of my agents, this mission terminated like the ding ones, without any result,"

prece

VOL. XVII. PART I.

THE present year was a very unexpectedly eventful period in our Indian annals. After the whole extent of the Hindostan continent appeared subdued and tranquil, and a peace of long duration was confidently anticipated, government was suddenly found involved in war with an enemy more potent and formidable than any with whom it had dealt, since the days of Hyder. We are not much in the habit of withholding our opinion upon all the actions and proceedings which we bring under the notice of our readers; but really, in the present instance, the materials of judging are so imperfect, that we do not feel justified in going beyond a simple narration of the events. The lapse of another year may probably enable us to develope more fully their origin and character.

Ava, or the Burman empire, had been long known as the most powerful of the states bordering on India; yet not

withstanding its close proximity, it had been scarcely felt as coming into contact or rivalry with the British dominion. Its shores were separated by the broad bay of Bengal, on which the nation had not attempted to establish a navy; and the Chittagong frontier, composed of the broad stream of the lower Brahmapoutra, and of a wide range of mountain and jungle beyond, appeared to afford no proper theatre of war. The Burmans, however, ever since the rise of Alompra, and the foundation of the present dynasty, had been a stirring and conquering people. They had incorporated with their empire the once powerful independent states of Arracan and Pegn, and had rendered tributary the great kingdom of Siam. Their views of conquest were now turned northwards, to the countries bordering on the Bengal frontier. Of these, Assam was the most conspicuous; a country which its difficult and inaccessible character, and the