course of striking a medium between the violent factions into which his kingdom was divided; a course which, even when violently driven from it, he still adhered to as closely as possible. The last measures of his reign, however unjustifiable, were forgiven to him, because he was evidently hurried into them contrary to his natural temper, by counsellors who were forced upon

him.

The new King ascended the throne with a reputation not altogether so pure. In his youth, he had been accounted the gayest of that too gay circle in which he moved; and the extreme to which he carried the thought less, unprincipled, and extravagant habits which are learned in that school, was even alleged as one of the operating causes of revolution. Years and sorrows had since passed over his head, enough to sober the wildest temper. So far as can hitherto be observed, their influence appears to have been salutary. He seems to have corrected these first extremes, and at the same time to have retained those easy, liberal, and graceful habits, which form an ornament of royalty, and are calculated for carrying him smoothly through that somewhat rugged path, which a King of France has still to traverse.

In the replies which Charles X. made to the numerous addresses now poured in, there was observed, amid the formal and conventional character of such documents, a spontaneous expression of liberal sentiment, which imposed flattering hopes of a constitutional reign. In the determination expressed to "continue" the reign of his predecessor, there was a particular reference to the institutions which had emanated from that monarch. An amiable temper was also shown in his introducing into the council the Duke d'Angouleme, who, as nearest heir to the crown, stood in a

position usually productive of a jealousy, which the closest ties of blood cannot allay. That prince, too, however faithfully he had executed the purposes of the Holy Alliance, in reimposing despotism upon Spain, was supposed, from what he observed in that country, to have returned imbued with a certain portion of liberal sentiment. Accordingly, this spirit influenced, in a very decided manner, several of the leading transactions of the new reign. The faculty of law at Grenoble, which had been suppressed several years before, on account of the political spirit alleged to prevail in it, was reinstated in its functions. This was followed by a much more important measure,-the removal of the censorship on the journals. The friends of ministers now held out, that its revival had been merely a temporary step, taken with the view of allaying those agitations, which the foreseen demise of the sovereign might be apprehended as likely to occasion. Without inquiring how far this was the probable motive, or actual tendency, of the measure, it may be observed, that the temporary suspension of this grand privilege, marked as it was by public reprobation, and general joy at its removal, tended to confirm more than ever the French nation in its possession.

Amid the first celebration of the new reign, with that parade of homage and courtesy which still continued characteristic of Frenchmen, all distinction of party seemed lost. Above all, the royalists out of power sought to distinguish themselves by a display of the most fervent attachment. Chateaubriand bastily put forth a pamphlet, "Le Roi est mort! Vive le Roi!" in which incense was lavished on the King and the house of Bourbon, with a profusion bordering on servility. Rumour was busy as to changes probable or expected in the cabinet. After a short

time, however, it became evident, that the King was prepared to adhere to the counsellors and the system of his predecessor. The royalists out of power, as they lost hope, gradually relapsed into opposition; and all parties, in a short time, resumed the attitude which they had previously occupied.

The King called a meeting of the Chambers before the end of December, but as it would be obviously inconvenient to make a section of its proceedings, we shall reserve the entire consideration of them till the following volume.

VOL. XVII. PART I.

M

ceedings.

SPAIN began the present year in the same enslaved, anarchical, and distracted state, to which she had been reduced by the triumph of the French arms, and the restoration of Ferdinand to absolute power-nor did there appear any prospect or means of her being able to emerge, or even avoid sinking deeper into it. Almost all the intelligent and industrious part of her population, those which would have roused her out of her slumbering apathy, and assimilated her condition to that of the more improved nations, were now become a persecuted and degraded caste, and were either begging their bread in a foreign land, pining in the depth of dungeons, or agitated by the perpetual dread of confiscation or death. Although there is much in the personal character of Ferdinand, which it is impossible to regard without detestation, we are yet obliged to confess, that the guilt of the tyrannical and oppressive system which he adopted, was shared by a large body of the Spanish nation. Of these, there was even a numerous class, to whom the principles of Ferdinand appeared too liberal, and his

sway too mild, and to whom nothing appeared satisfactory, short of an indiscriminate proscription of all who had any concern in the support of the constitutional cause. A natural propensity to violence, and the covetous desire of satiating themselves with the plunder of the liberals, many of whom were substantial citizens, greatly fanned the flame of their furious loyalty. Although the name of the Absolute King was used as a rallying cry, it was rather as a name under which every kind of violence might be committed with impunity, than that they were at all ready to yield obedience even to him, when his directions went to check them in their career. The only mitigation of disorder, was the partial one produced by the presence of French troops, who sometimes interfered to prevent outrages that were manifestly illegal, or open violations, under their eye, of the conventions which they had concluded with the Spanish generals. As their instructions, however, inculcated a strict adherence to the monarchical principle, and the abstract tenets of the Holy Alliance, and as they held themselves

ready to crush every shadow of resistance which might arise against the mandates of the prince, they continued still effective instruments in the hand of Ferdinand, for enforcing the system of government upon which he was determined to act.

The moneyed interest of Europe continued with their eyes intently fixed upon the Spanish cabinet, which was known to labour under the want of extensive funds, for which it was ready to make almost any sacrifice. The one, however, which was named as indispensable, being the recognition, in some shape or extent, of the constitutional loans, was obstinately refused. The great capitalists of Europe, now formed into a compact and extensive league, conceived it, under these circumstances, essential to their honour, and the general interests of their body, not to bring forward a single shilling. Yet would not this probably, amid the present redundance of money, have prevented it from being raised in some shape or another, had there been any tolerable security to offer. But a government, which could not raise the funds necessary for defraying its current expenses, to say nothing of a load of old debt, presented itself as an abyss ready to swallow up everything, but with faint hope of ever rendering any return. Guebhard, indeed, pre-eminent among loyal bankers, opened a loan at Paris on very advantageous terms, but was able to obtain only a few trifling sums, like drops of water, insufficient to cool the thirst with which the Spanish finance was afflicted. The French were the greatest sufferers; for, it being impossible to leave Ferdinand quite destitute on the throne where they had placed him, they had been obliged to advance nearly a million and a half sterling, to enable him to begin. They were also under the necessity of defraying the whole expense of the army of occupation, having in vain attempt

ed to extort from him the share which he was bound by treaty to furnish. It does not appear, however, though the report was current at the time, that the French cabinet ever swerved so far from the principles of legitimacy, as to advise the recognition of the constitutional loan. Ferdinand, who saw that they did not and could not take any steps to obtain redress or payment, gave himself very little concern about the matter. He agreed merely, on their earnest demands, to inscribe the debts in the Great Book, where they remained, without payment, in any shape, either of principal or interest. The financial measures adopted by government, had little tendency indeed to lighten its distresses. The exemption of ecclesiastical revenue from taxes, which had been abolished under the constitutional regime, was now fully restored. A tax of 4 per cent was imposed on all mills and machinery employed in manufacture. The ruinous plan of royal monopoly was not only revived in regard to tobacco and salt, but extended to salted cod, an article which the ultra-catholic habits of Spain rendered an extensive necessary of life. By these measures, grievous privations were imposed on the nation, without any relief or benefit arising to the treasury.

The Spanish government, amid all its present embarrassment and distraction, kept its eye intently fixed on the recovery of the vast dominions which once belonged to it in the opposite hemisphere. All the direct efforts, however, which it could make for this purpose, had been exhausted by the elaborate fitting out of the Asia; and the transportation of a single regiment to reinforce the American armies, appeared evidently an undertaking beyond its strength. The only hope then lay in that mighty combination of potentates, which stood so deeply committed in favour of every monarchy, in

every part of the world, which should experience revolt and resistance on the part of its subjects. She adjured them, in the name of all the principles of conservation and legitimacy, not to allow éo fatal a precedent as that of the triumph of so great an insurrection, now assuming a form decidedly republican. In the circular addressed by the Count d'Ofalla, to the ambassadors of Paris, Petersburgh, and Vienna, the failure of the attempts hitherto made to reduce the insurrection, was imputed to the rebellion which had prevailed in Spain itself. It was asserted, however, that the King had received numerous and irrefragable testimonies, that there existed an immense number of Spaniards faithful to their oaths of obedience to the throne, and that the sound majority of the Americans acknowledged the impossibility of that hemisphere remaining happy, without the maintenance of a paternal connexion with those who had civilized it. The King trusted that his allies would aid him in accomplishing this important object, and in maintaining the principles of order and legitimacy, the subversion of which, once begun in America, would be speedily communicated to Europe. In order still farther to smooth down the difficulties in the way of this object, it was intimated, that the King, in concert with his powerful allies, "would take into consideration the changes which events have produced in his American provinces, as well as the relations which have been formed with other commercial nations during the troubles, in the view of adopting with good faith the measures best fitted to conciliate the rights and just interests of the crown of Spain, and of its sovereignty, with those which circumstances may have created in favour of other nations." The engagement here implied had already been included in a decree issued on the 9th February, permitting a direct commerce of the ultra-marine

ers..

provinces with allied and friendly pow This decree, however, was in: great extent hollow and imperfect, sine it referred to a future decree, whic was to fix the ports where, and the con ditions on which, this trade was to b carried on, and, in the meantime, d rected that everything should procee in its ordinary tenor. This decre therefore, was, in fact, a mere vagt and distant promise which, considerir the quarter from which it came, cou not be the object of very implicit r liance.

What reply was made to this no by the powers concerned, remains h in the secrets of cabinets. That son of them were thoroughly disposed concur in the application, admits of litt doubt; but the declarations of Britai which made it be understood, that war with her would be the consequen of armed intervention, paralysed ev the boldest. France early declared h determination to engage in nothing b yond friendly mediation, having in vie to obtain, at least, that, in the settl ment of the new government, some 1 spect should be paid to the principl of monarchy. In point of fact, no co gress was held, and no measure, tendi to fulfil the views of Spain, emanat from any of the great potentates, w were so deeply committed in the cau of legitimacy.

Although France continued to affo to the government of Ferdinand th support, without which it must ha immediately given way, she searce made a secret of the entire disapprob tion with which she viewed the mo in which it was administered; it inve ved, indeed, a breach of the most solen engagements, under which she h chosen to come, in his name, to Spa and to Europe. She is, therefore, b lieved to have made pretty strong pr vate remonstrances, which appear 1 have pointed at some kind of nation: representation, doubtless not on th