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em by means stamped rather with e character of the dark ages, than y those of the nineteenth centu7. This spirit coming into collion with that of a high Protestant ission, sent by the Bible Society rough Ireland, with a view to the iffusion of the Scriptures in the vular tongue, gave rise to some scenes rather an extraordinary nature. At he meetings held by the mission for e promotion of its own objects, the ading Catholics of the district made eir appearance, and by all their owers of argument and oratory enavoured to maintain the superiority the Catholic doctrine. Their reainers seconded them, not only by loud pplause, but in several instances by ps de fait; which induced, on the art of their antagonists, a rapid reeat by whatever outlet the place afrded, and left the field of dispute in all possession of the Popish polemics. et it seems difficult to see how the ithholding of the Bible from the lai, and the denouncing its perusal as nlawful and heretical, could tend, in age like the present, to uphold the atholic influence.

From out of this fermentation anher phenomenon suddenly sprung. n Association was formed, composed a number of eloquent and stirring dividuals, which purported and apared to represent the whole Cathobody. Its active and organised, as ell as powerful character, was soon

displayed in the large sums which it levied under the appellation of Catholic rent, even from the poorest of this poor population, and which, enforced by those means of acting upon the popular mind which the Popish priest holds in his hand, could scarcely be considered otherwise than as a compulsory tax. It was collected weekly, and this periodical produce came to be estimated at a thousand pounds. The employment of these funds was no less critical than the mode of levy. One of these modes consisted in opening prosecutions against writers and journalists distinguished by zeal against Catholic interests, and who, in the difficult and expensive field of litigation, could not but wage an unequal conflict with a corporate body, possessing such a depth of resources and influence. The Association, by those powers which it possessed, and ostentatiously displayed, and by closely imitating the very forms of the British legislature, put itself forth to the world as a sort of Catholic Parliament. To the Irish administration it appeared not improbable that they might shortly come to officiate as such, and to govern Ireland, if they were allowed to proceed in their present career. The measures prompted by this view of the subject did not, however, come into operation till the following year, of whose events and discussions they were destined to form a prominent feature.

CHAP. VII.

WEST INDIES.

Critical State of these Islands.-Strong interest felt respecting them.-Measur taken by Government to ameliorate the condition of the Slaves explained the two Houses by Earl Bathurst and Mr Canning.-Debate in the Co mons.-Public Feeling respecting Mr Smith's case.-Motion by Mr Brougha -Long Debate.

THE circumstances connected with the possessions of Britain in the West Indies presented a subject of serious and painful discussion. Her connexion with them, indeed, formed, on the whole, the most unsatisfactory light in which her present situation and prospects could be viewed. The degree of prosperity arising from them had been combined with a cruel and enormous evil, of which Britain had shared the disgrace with the other European states; but her renunciation of which, and exertions for its suppression, had been attended with great glory, and had marked a high moral feeling on the part of the people. The ill-fated Africans were no longer torn from their native land, to toil under the unfeeling lash of an European taskmaster; and the proprietors, deprived of this irregular mode of recruiting, were obliged to recur to the legitimate one of enabling the slaves, by care and good treatment, to keep up their own numbers. The zeal of our philanthropists, however, was not satisfied even with the considerable good thus effect

ed. Nothing was considered as do till this wronged and degraded ra were restored to their just place in t scale of humanity; till they were co verted into citizens and Christians,difficult and perilous transition, whi could not be made without some ve

delicate processes. It would have be supposing the West India proprieto exempt from the common frailty of o nature, to expect that their minds shou be

open to the excellence of a course proceeding which trenched so materia ly upon the very basis on which the proprietary existence rested. Their e clamations were loud, that the Britis legislature were sacrificing to wild the retical ideas one of the main sources national prosperity; that their own e sential rights and property were unjust ly interfered with; and that some cor sideration ought at least to have bee held of the severe pressure under whic they themselves, from other causes, ha for some time laboured. They assure the House of Commons, that the mea sures it was now taking would ere long

issue in an insurrection over all the islands, and a general massacre of the whites. The Assembly of Jamaica went so far as openly to dispute the right of the British legislature to dictate laws to them, and threatened a separation,an impotent and imprudent ebullition, which, by making the slaves consider the power of the mother-country as arrayed on their side, must have tended, more than anything else, to encourage them in revolt. It must, however, so far be conceded to the West India proprietors, that though it be out of the question to renounce the arrangements by which the negroes may be ultimately qualified to act as citizens and freemen, this last issue ought for the present to be kept as much as possible in the background. All that should now be done is to improve their external, and, above all, their moral situation; to place nothing else in their view, and prevent them from viewing emancipation, even in distant prospect.

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Among the means of improving the Africans, and rousing them into some sort of intellectual and moral existence, none perhaps was more promising than the preaching of missionaries, detached from those numerous societies, to which the ardent and benevolent zeal of the present age has given rise. If their creed was not always the most refined, was only, perhaps, the better fitted for acting upon those wild and untaught natures. Their zeal, too, supposing it sometimes to pass the limits of discretion, was much better adapted for the same purpose than that of individuals merely accustomed to move round a regular and established circle of duties. At the same time, in the present critical state of these islands, such indiscretions might no longer present the same venial character as in other circumstances. If they tended to feed the natural discontent of the slaves against their masters, to inspire them with the wish and the hope of li

who were

berty, they might be productive of the most serious calamities. Whether such indiscretion had been committed in the case of Mr Smith, or whether he had fallen a victim to the jealous apprehensions of the masters, viewing with dread the diffusion of knowledge among the enslaved sons of Africa, had been the subject of eager controversy out of Parliament, and was destined to become one of the leading subjects of debate within its walls.

On the 16th March, Earl Bathurst in the Lords, and Mr Canning in the Commons, laid before the House the plans which Ministers had put in train with the view of ameliorating the condition of the negroes, and in the hope of gradually paving the way for their ultimate emancipation. These plans had been embodied, Lord Bathurst observed, in two circulars, addressed, in the course of last year, to the governors of the colonies. The first measure which they recommended was, that means should be taken to secure the due observance of the Sabbath. The second, that the whip should be abolished as an emblem of authority. The third, that the punishment of female flogging should also be abolished. The fourth, that the domestic punishment inflicted by owners and overseers upon males should be regulated. The fifth, that measures should be adopted to give encouragement and validity to the marriage contract. The sixth, that the sale of slaves should be subjected to regulations. The seventh, that the property of slaves should be protected, and their right of making bequests secured. The eighth, that facilities should be afforded to manumission. And the ninth, and last, that the evidence of slaves should be admitted under regulations and restrictions. If any of their lordships conceived, that, in making these proposals, his Majesty's ministers had gone too far, and, however right in theory, had recommended what was impracticable in prac

tice, he had only to say, that eight out of these nine propositions had met not only with the entire concurrence, but with the warm approbation, of a large and respectable body of West India planters, acting in this country as a representative committee for the whole. And even as to the ninth, the admission of the evidence of slaves, under certain regulations, he had not met with any member of that committee who did not say that, though not prepared to come forward with a proposition on the subject, he admitted it to be one deserving the fullest consideration. These propositions were under the consideration of the colonial legislatures, whose sittings had not closed when the last advices had been received; but he should deceive their lordships if he held out any hope that the majority of the propositions, or even many of them, should be accepted. The colonies which appeared most inclined to accede to the recommendations submitted for their consideration, were Grenada, St Christopher, and Barbadoes; those where they met with the greatest opposition were St Vincent's, Tobago, Dominica, and Jamaica. In regard to the three last, and even to St Vincent's, the expectations of his Majesty's ministers were still rather sanguine. A considerable improvement had taken place in the treatment of slaves, particularly in that of females, and in the provision made for the rearing of children. We had no right to legislate for the colonies, and could only influence them by refusing drawbacks upon exports, and imposing duties upon their produce. An order in council had, however, been framed, and recently approved of by his Majesty. It embodied the spirit of the recommendations which had been made, and provided for carrying them into effect. It appointed, or rather revived, the office of guardian, or protector of slaves, to whom, and to the commandants under whom, the execution of the

provisions of the order was intrusted. By the first provision, for the due observance of the Sabbath, all compulsory labour on that day was abolished; the Sunday markets were to be prohibited after ten o'clock; and as soon as a sufficient provision should be made for the education of slaves, those markets were to be abolished altogether. By the next, the use of the whip was to be given up as an emblem of authority, as well as a means of punishment. It was thought proper that the whip should never be used except by a special order. And let it not be inferred from this prohibition that its barbarous application had been habitual; as well might it be said, that, because we had laws against murder, all members of our community were assassins. The only object was to protect slaves, not only against positive, but against possible ill treatment. The next measure was one which gave the most general satisfaction. It was the abolition of the punishment of flogging females. It had been said that it was scarcely ever inflicted, and that their being liable to it was sufficient to ensure good conduct on their part. It had also been asserted, that if they knew that they were not longer subjected to it, they would behave in a different manner. But this object had been taken into consideration by the Court of Policy of Demerara, and that Court had decreed its abolition. He therefore felt convinced that he had adopted the right view of the subject. The next provision related to the punishment of males, and directed, that in all cases twenty-four hours should be allowed to elapse between the offence and the infliction; and that in no instance the latter should exceed twenty-five lashes at one time. No second punishment to be inflicted as long as any macerbation resulting from the first should remain ; and no punishment whatever to be inflicted, except in the presence of a white person, besides the individual ordering

it. Should it exceed three lashes, the punishment should be recorded in a book, with the offence, and in twentyfour hours afterwards, a copy, attested on oath, should be delivered to the commandant, and by him to the guardian or protector of slaves. The object of the next provision was to encourage the contracting of marriages. It authorized a slave desirous of marrying to apply to the commandant or the protector for a license. If he were able to produce the consent of his master to his marriage, the commandant or guardian were to be authorized to issue a license, and any clergyman of the Church of England, or of any other persuasion, would have leave to marry them, but would be bound to send, within a certain period, a certificate of such marriage to the protector, to be recorded and kept in a book by the latter. Should the master refuse his consent, the slave would still apply to the commandant, who would summon the master to hear his objections, and if they appeared unreasonable, the commandant would be authorized to issue a license, and the marriage would be solemnized, as in the former case. By the next provision, the object of which was to prevent violent separations by the sale of slaves, it was settled, that a husband and his wife could not be parted, but must be sold in the same lot, together with any children under seven years of age, which they might have. The next regulation was to protect the property of slaves, and to impart to them the power of making bequests. It was true that the practice existed, but it was thought necessary to give them the security of a law, to enable them to apply to courts of justice, and to prosecute in their own name. In order that they should be able to make an advantageous use of their property, saving banks would be established in various parts, where they might deposit their money, and receive an interest of five per cent. Should any

slave, when he laid his money in a saving bank, declare the manner in which he wished that it should be disposed of, in case of his death, that declaration was to be recorded, and kept in a book, and the money to be applied as he had said. But should he die without a will, it would be paid to his wife and children. The next provision afforded facilities for the manumission of slaves, by making the registering of that manumission chargeable on the parish, and not on the slave himself. The latter would also have the right of purchasing his freedom, and if any difficulty arose with his master as to price, it was to be arranged by appraisement. The master and the slave were to make each their own, and the protector to stand umpire between them. The last point related to the admission of the evidence of slaves. That evidence was to be admitted whenever a slave should be able to produce a certificate, signed by a member of the Church of England, or by any minister of a different communion, declaring that, after examination, he conceived him to have been so instructed in religious matters as to be fully sensible of the obligations of an oath. This certificate was to be also recorded in a book kept by the guar dian or protector of slaves. The noble earl then drew the attention of the House to the state of our ecclesiastical establishment in the West Indies. It was most lamentably deficient; and he acknowledged with shame, that when it had been made, there had been no reference whatever to the slave population. That establishment was deficient as to its strength, and to the measures adopted for the discipline of such a clergy; but many efforts had been made by individuals and societies to make up the deficiency. Besides the society under the direction of the Bishop of London, there were the Moravian and Wesleyan Societies, who had sent many missionaries for the religious instruction

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