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AN IRISH NOSTRUM FOR ENGLISH RASCALITY.

SIR Richard Steele (an Irishman eminent for his literary productions) published a most excellent system of economy, yet never was mortal less economical than himself, His prodigality often reduced him in the most distressing em barrassments. Beloved by all who knew him, he was caressed by the nost polished society in London. A Lincolnshire Baronet of great wealth and a warm admirer of Steele, was unceasing in his flatsery and protestations of friendship towards him. He pressed him to make use of his credit and fortune, but above all, never to Inake application to any other peron in his pecuniary necessities. Steele soon found himself in a situation that required assistance. He went to make application to his friend, who not guessing the cause of the visit, was extremely lavish in his offers of service. And spoke of nothing but his desire of discovering an opportunity of convincing Steele of his sincerity. To be plain with you said Steele, you owe this visit to my distressed condition, I am in immediate want of an hundred pounds, to pacify a ereditor, who is constantly tor menting me, and declares that he will temporize no longer. This unexpected demand, totally confounded the baronet, who stamnered out an aukward excuse. What Sir, said Steele, after having induced me by false promises, to entrust you with the state of my finances, do you dare to re

fuse me, know that though I can combat undauntedly the severest frowns of fortune, I am not the wretch who can tamely suffer an insult of so gross a nature. You have but one alternative left either to supply me on the spot with the sum, or prepare yourself to make reparation to my injured honor. Steele uttered this with such determination, that the dastardly Englishman tremblingly opened his pocket book and gave him a note for one hundred pounds. Steele took it and casting a look of ineffable contempt on the timid lender, although quoth he, I hate to be under any compliment to a miserable niggard, such as you, I shall, however, make use of your money, promising at the same time to repay it with interest when I can command the sum, but in order to teach you henceforth to be more reserved in your offers, and less lavish of your false promises to an Irishman, I shall take the liberty of giving you a salutary chastisement. The irritated son of Hibernia instantly grappled the magnanimous Briton by the snout (an organ with which he appears to have been blessed even to su perfluity) and tweaked it so hear. tily, that he was happy to compound for its emancipation, by a coerci voluntary acknowledgement of his being" one of the most despicable reptiles,that nature ever suffered to crawl on the surface of the earth."

THE

THE CARLOW GHOST S.

MR. Cox,

My mind has been for some time back in a state of considerable anxiety, owing to a very strange occurrence, which I witnessed in this town, and having heard that your influence with the executive government is very great, I hope you will exert it to prevent the continuance of a misfortune which is likely to depopulate my native place, under this impression I shall briefly relate a tale as terrific, as the universal history of apparitions can furnish. In the month of October last, (the exact date I cannot now remember) returning home at midnight from a love feast, as I passed throug a street called the castle hill, contiguous to which is a very antient church yard, I heard a confused sound of voices speaking Irish, the phraseology was so unlike what I had ever before known in that language, that I could understand very little of the subject on which they were discoursing, but I could distinguish distinguish the names BowEN and HARPOOLE, to be frequently repeated with great emphasis; turning my head towards the point from whence the noise proceeded, I saw, oh Sir!!! I saw such a sight as would unnerve the strongest arm, and appal the most courageous heart. Ten headleas ghosts in complete coats of mail (such as we are told in history the antiens Irish cheif tians wore,) held between them FEBRUARY, 1810.

suspended in the air, what appeared to me at that time of night to be a large stone of rude sculpture, describing the form of a man, they now began a most piteous howl which I suppose was the antient Irish cry, and having continued it for a few minutes, they ceased, and proceeded along the street towards the market place, singing Erin Go Brah, carrying the stone along with them. What mos: excited my astonishment, was their talking and singing without heads, but I suppose it is the exclusive property of ghosts to do so. You may easily conceive Mr. Cox, what a situation I was in, for although I have had many visitations of the spirit I never until now believed in apparitions; to enter into a detail of my mental and Dodily sufferings that night, would be neither edifying or cleanly.The next morning on taking my usual walk to the market place, I saw a crowd assembled looking very earnestly on somewhat which was stuck in the ring of a lamp iron, this I discovered on examination, to be the head of a black marble statute, which had been dug up a few days before in the church yard beforementiond-the dreadful mystery of the ghosts now to me completely unravelled. -You must know Mr. Cox, that this statue was a monumental one, it delineated a Mr. Harpoole, of whom I am sure you have read in Ꭼ .

Irish

Irish History, as being one of the English conspirators at the bloody scene in Mullimast-it seems these ghosts had broken this statue and stuck up the head thereof in the market place that night, and my opinion is that they are some of the spirits of the O Moores and Dunns, who were butchered by this same Mr. Harpoole. But Mr. Cox this is not all, for the head was cut off a stone Eagle, last month at night time, and placed in a similar position at the market place, I am credibly assured by one of my brethren in the spirit, that this outrage was committed by a banditti of ghosts, probably of the same party.

done, memorial the Archbishop of Dublin, that he may be pleased to write toDr., Faulkner, who leads as mortified a life as a Carthusian Monk, or, to Doctor Minchin, who takes the advice of St. Paul, lending money to his brother when in need, and demanding no interest for the same, or to Doctor Reed, who never takes the Ty the Pig from the poor peasant-and to instruct any, or the whole of them, to Exorcise those Ghosts, and send them to the Red Seawith discretionary powers to ap ply for the aid of a few Popish Priests if necessary. Do not neglect this as you value the esteem of our convenicle, for if these ghosts of antiquity should form an acquaintance with the ghosts of 98, whose bodies were buried in the said Pit, I think they will trouble and annoy every loyal man in this town hereafter to such a degree, as to oblige us to quit our habitations, and remove (probably) to Botany Bay.

The owner of this Eagle is a Mr. Best, a gentleman we.i known to possess the most exquisite feelings of humanity, and is besides an extreme good liver.-Now Mr. Cox, what I wish you to do is this, apply to Lord Norbury or Judge Day, to have fiats or writs of Habeas Corpus issued against these ghosts to restrain them from per.evering in their nocturnal perambulations if that cannot be. Tullow St. Carlow, January 25th, 1810.

I am, Sir,

yours, &c. A POETICAL METHODIST.

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guished advocates of your cause, in concurrence with whom my decision has been taken.

I most in the first place assure your Lordship, that my opinion remains unchanged as to the object of your petition, it would, I think, be an act of undeniable wisdom and justice to communicate to our fellow subjects, professing the Roman Catholic Religion, the full enjoymeet of our Civil Constitution. Such a measure, accompanied by suitable arrange ments, maturely prepared, and deliberately adopted, would, I am confident, above all others, give strength and union to the Empire, and increased security to its religious and civil establishments. Your Lordship is well aware. that on this conviction only have I supported it. To those establishments I am unalterably attached; their inviolable maintenance I have ever considered as essential to all the dearest interests of my country. But they rest I am certain, on foundations much too firm; they are far too deeply rooted in the affections of that community to which they dispense the blessings of religion, order, and liberty, to require the adventitious and dangerous support of partial restrictions, fruitful in discontent, but for security, wholly ineficent.

With respect to the present application to Parliament, I knew not, except from public report, that such a measure was in contemplation; or that it was the wish of the petitioners to place their petition in my hands.

I have twice already, at the request of the Catholics of Ireland, moved the House of Lords to take this subject into consideration. I did not, in either case, think my self responsible for your determi.

nation as to the time of agitating the question a determination which, in the first instance, I had not suggested, and which in the last I had in my place in Parliament publicly dissuaded. Recent events had in both cases imposed upon me a peculiar duty, not merely for my own honour, but in justice also to your cause, to prove, by my conduct, on the earliest occasion afforded by yourselves, that no change of public situation, no prejudice, no calamny, no clamour, could either vary or suppress my opinions on this great national question. This duty I wallingly performed.

Deeply impressed with the importance of the measures which I recommended, I have spared no sacrifice, omitted no exertion, by which I could contribute to their accomplishment. And it would now deceive myself with a hope, that a renewal, of my weak efforts, in the present moment could expedite or facilitate their ultimate success, it would be my highest gratification once more to stand forward as the chosen advocate of national conciliation.

Circumstanced as this question now is, both in England and in Ireland, it is, on the contrary, my deliberate opinion, that no motion grounded on your perition could be brought forward, without great and perinament disadvantage to its object.

This opinion is founded, not only on the present known disposi rious of Government and Parlia ment, but also on the unexpected difficulties, which have arisen in Ireland; on the impressions which they may create, and the embarrassments which they unavoidably produce. Lz

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It would be an invidious task for me to recapitulate, in this place, the transactions of the last three years. or to discuss the temper and spirit, the language and the conduct of his Majesty's ministers towards your body; nor would it become to censure, though I may be permitted to lament, the decisions of the Legislature.

To these two topics it is sufficient briefly to have adverted. The obstacles which, in the present moment, they oppose to any favourable consideration of your cause, and the advantages which they afford to the misrepresentations of your adversaries, are too obvious to require explanation.

Many circumstances compel me to speak to your Lordship more at large of the recent proceedings in Ireland with reference both to their origin and to their consequences. For this purpose, I must beg leave to recall to your Lordship;s recollection, the grounds on which the consideration of these Petitions has uniformly been recommended to Parliament. That which you have asked, and which have been supported by the greatest Statemen of our time, now no more, is not in its nature a single or unconnected measure. Its objects are, the peace and happiress of Ireland, and the union of the empire, in affection as well as in government. Vain, indeed, would be the hope of accomplishing such purposes, solely by the repeal of a few remaining disqualifications, which, by a strange anomaly, are still left subsisting amidst the ruins of a whole code of proscription. To impute to you this visionary pretension, has been the artifice of your opponents. The views of your friends have been more enlarged.

With the just and salutary extension of civil rights to your body, must be combined, if tranquility and union be onr object, other extensive and complicated arrangements. All the provisions must be made for the inviolable maintenance of the religious and civil establishments of this United Kingdom. Much must be done for mutual conciliation-much for common safety; many contending interests mest be reconciled, many jealousies allayed, many long cherished and mutually destructive prejudices eradicated.

Such at least have always been my own declared opinions. When this matter was last under the consideration of Parliament, I had occasion to dwell, with particular earnestness, on this necessity; I invited the suggestions of others for providing for it; and I enumerated several measures which eight years before had been in the contemplation with which I then cherished the vain hope of render. ing this great service to my country.

Among these measures, I pointed out the proposal of vesting in the crown an effectual negative on the appointment of your bi shops. That suggestion had previously been brought forward in the house of commons, to meet the just expectations, not of any bigotted or interested champions of intolerance, but of men of the purest intentions and most enlightened judgment. Men willing to do all justice to the loyalty of your present bishops, yet not unreasonably alarmed at any possibility, by which functions of such extensive influence might hereafter be connected with a foreign interest, hostile to the tranquility of your country. A danger recently

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