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Effay on the Scoto-Milefian Antiquities.

Scarcely know their origin. This is, I allow, a paradox ; but it must be at the fame time allowed, that the thing in itself is not impoffible. Already has the Houfe of Auftria, that of the Dukes of Arfcot, and of fome other princes been carried up as far as the deluge. We have an example of this in the Jewish people. Although God had directed with a particular care the pen of the facred writers, with regard to the laws, the prophe. cies, the canticles, the creation of the world, and all that furpaffed the light of nature, these writers have treated of the genealogies of families, and reJated feveral hiftorical facts, which they knew by tradition and ftudy, and were known to all those who wished to investigate them. After the precautions, that are actually taken in France and elsewhere, by depofiting in the public offices baptifmal regi tries, marriages and interments, as well as keeping registries of the nobility, which are called armorial fhall we be furprized, if in two thousand years we difcover genealogies which defcend from generation to generation down to ourselves?

The thing is thus poffible, and is reduced to the question of fact, whether the old Milefians were careful to tranfmit to pofterity, from a certain poch, any traces of their history. Before we examine this fact, we must eftablish fome principles; it is an inconteftible fact that all the ancients have had their unknown, their fabulous and their biftorical periods.

Varro remarks, after the Greeks, a threefold diftinction of times. The firft, from the creation to the deluge: "This is obfcure and uncertain," fays he, because we are ignorant of what paffed during that period.". The lecond, from the deluge to the first olympiad (from the creation 3206, and before Chrift 777) he denominates fabulous, on account of the

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number of fabulous accounts referred to this time. The third, from the first olympiad down to his own time, which he calls historical.

Although thefe different epochs, thus characterized by Varro, fuffer fome difficulty with regard to the authority of the facred writings, Jolephus affures us in his first book against Appion, that the Egyptian, Phoenician, and Chaldean hiftories, relate with certitude and veracity, many particulars concerning the reigns of their kings, and contain fome confiderable events that happened in their countries, previous to the first olympiad, and even before Abraham and Mofes; and he praises exceedingly, Dion, the Phoenician, and Berofus, the Chaldean, for the certitude and authority of their writings; and that according to him both these hiftorians have written on fubjects that happened in the second period of time, which Varro deemed fabulous; particularly Berofus, who mentions the deluge and the ark; and the mountains of Armenia, on which it had refted; and that he continued his narrative from Noah and the first kings that had reigned after the deluge. The diftinction of times that was made by this learned Roman, ought to be allowed in the hiftories nearly of every people."

It is poffible, that fome nations may have preferved by tradition, a confufed and general idea of their origin and first establishment; but when it is necessary to determine their date, or examine minutely their form of government, they either give us no explanation on this head, or furnish us only with chimerical notions.

The ancient bards have preserved an account of the different colonies that came fucceffively to fettle in Ire land, before the coming of Christ, but may we not question the truth of

the

the accounts which they have trans. mitted to us?

The bards were in high estimation among the Milefians, who called them philofophers. They enjoyed extraordinary privileges, and fat with right of fuffrage in the affemblies of the ftate; they poffeffed great proper ties which they received from the benificence of the fovereign, from provincial kings, and from particular chieftains. They are called by Strabo and Lucan, poets or philofophers. (Geog. Lib. 4.) Pomponius Teftus fays, that a bard is one, who celebrates in verfe the praifes and exploits of great men. Diodorus Siculus calls a bard, a compofer of canticles.

(To be continued.)

THE

LAST PUNIC WAR.

A FRAGMENT:

Never before Publifhed.

(Continued from page 409.)

Thefe extraordinary exertions on the part of Iberus, produced a moft calamitous refult to her inhabitants, as the influx of manufactures from Carthage became fo great, that it ren dered the confumption of their own anneceffary; the traders all became bankrupts, and were confequently obliged to discharge their working artifios, numbers of whom died for want of fuftenance, others were fcattered over the island, exifting by the precarious charities of the traveller, and others enlifted in the armies, or offered themselves as failors to man the gallies of Carthage, leaving their wives and children no choice but to perish by famine or prolong their lives by mendicancy.

The continued fupply of provifions which had been long afforded Carthage by this ifland, fo drained their depots that it raised the neceffaries of life to an alarming pitch, infomuch' that the higher orders only could live as they were accustomed to live' before; the middle claffes were obliged to content themselves with fuch aliment as the labouring orders had in former years been able to procure themselves, and fuch of the artifans as were fortunate enough to obtain employment, were neceffitated to exift upon half food, and that not of a nutritive quality, but rather deleterious, being the extracted juice of foreign plant fo that in all the cities and great towns of iberus, the inhabitants from being an healthy, florid, and vigorous fociety, became a feeble fqualid and infirm population. The neglected cultivation of the lands contributed materially at this time to the diftreffes of the iffand-for the peafantry had been fo diminished by en liftment iu the armies of Carthage, that a fufficient number remained not in Iberus to till the neceffary acres for the fubfiftence of the people.

Thus groaning under the accumulated miseries of poverty and famine, the unhappy iflanders believed that the cup of indignation of Minerva had been poured out on them to its laft drop. With pious fupplications addreffed to the goddess, they fought to avert her wrath, and implored her affiftance to extricate them from the manifold evils by which they were furrounded; but instead of attending to their doleful complaints, Minerva, as a punishment for their former civil broils and malignant outrages against each other, held a conference with Pluto, whom the prevailed on to difpatch an infernal meffenger to the fenate of Carthage, with ftri injunctions to them, not to a fiftin alleviating

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the misfortunes of Iberus, but rather to encrease them by some new tyranny. The senate thus advised, selected a person to inflict this new mischief, whom they knew stood high in the favour of Pluto, and for whom they were informed that God had reserved an exalted throne in HELL. They apprised him of the embassy from the infernal palace, and having implicit reliance on his talent and promptitude to undertake any matter wicked or infamous, they assured him that it was referred entirely to his own management, to dispose of the island of Iberus and its natives as he might deem expedient. Thus armed with the authority of Carthage, and stimulated by his hell-fraught mind, he devised the following efficient plans for the impoverishment and depopulation of that ill-fated island.

(To be continued.)

IRISH LITERATURE.

"THE TEARS OF ERIN-a Poem.' Cox, 150, Abbey-street-Price 1s. 3d.

The poem, which we here offer to public notice, is so peculiarly distinguished by poetical enthusiasm, vigour of imagination, and all the powers of pathos and sublimity, that we may truly say that we have sel dom witnessed in one writer such a happy combination of good sense united with strength of fancy and poetical description combined with extensive knowledge and deep political reflection. The author has established his poem upon facts, and in the characters of an Irish peasant, with his wife and daughter, expelled from their home by the savage cruelty of

Orangemen, has contrived to intro duce the most terrible descriptions of those horrid scenes of massacre, which, during the rebellion, converted this land into one wide field of blood and desolation. Never have we witnessed such truth or energy of description. The scourge seems to resound in the reader's ear; we imagine that we hear the horrid shrieks issue from the mangled sufferer under the excruciating agony of the pitched. cap; while the discoloured features and swollen tongues, hanging from the mouths of strangled Irishmen, are heightened with all the energies of a sublimity that terrifies the boldest fancy.

In the notes, which are introduced from the different parts of this wellconducted story, the author has taken a comprehensive view of the policy, which marked the English cabinet in regard to Ireland; he has traced it to the projected Union of the two countries; and details, in a manner truely admirable, its baleful nature in the miseries it inflicted and the prosperity it marred. In fine, by original remark and cited authorities, he has left nothing undone to impress the public mind with the blessed consequences of subjection to a foreign power, and to develope to Irishmen the full extent of their obligations to the

government of Britain. Proceeding upon principles so daringly intrepid, it is not wonderful that the writer should consider his undertaking, as he does in the introductory verses, obnoxious to that gang of ministerial blood-suckers, who, to use his own words," are now rasping from the marrowless bones of the skeleton press an empirical alimentary powder to restore to their wonted vigour the languishing establishments of a rotten, mouldering, mutilated system."

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Hard indeed must be the heart which is unaffected with the present distress experienced by the poor in general in this commercial nation. Thousands of honest and industrious people in Ireland, are literally starving for want of bread; and the cause invariably assigned is a stagnant commerce. My opinion on this subject will perhaps appear to some a strange phenomena-it is, that a stagnant commerce is not the real cause of the want of the necessaries of life among the laborious poor. And I am confident, that, while the "Earth yields her increase," there is a method founded on JUSTICE and REASON, to prevent the Poor from wanting Bread, be the state of trade whatever it may.

In the first place, then, I will ask, what are the principal sources of human subsistence? Certainly corn and grass. Corn is moulded into many shapes for the use of man, but chiefly into bread, which is the staff of life; and from grass, we derive our flesh, milk, butter, cheese, &c. besides wool and leather, which, I think, with the addition of coal, and a few other minerals, nearly make up the real necessaries of life.

I ask again, then, who is so infatuated as to say, that the growing of corn or grass, is dependant on, or connected with the prosperity or adversity of trade? Certainly (thank Heaven!) they are not affected by the devouring sword, or ruined commerce (except at the seat of war.) Corn grows not in the loom, nor grass, upon the anvil! Why is it then, that while there is plenty of bread the poor Oct. 1810,

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are starving? Is there not as much grain and grass in the Land as when the trade flourished? Suppose trade were to rise immediately to an amazing degree, would it make one grain of corn or blade of grass more? Certainly not. Why then, I ask again, are the poor, who are the peculiar care of HIM who delights to do his needy creatures good, not satisfied with the good of the land?

The following reasons are at least satisfactory to myself:-Because, in the time of national prosperity, house and land rent (consequently provisions) are always raised by the wealthy and vo luptuous, till they are, at least, at par with high wages: but when WAR, UNION, or any other cause has ruined, or impeded commerce, and reduced wages, rents and provisions remain unabated. The poor weavers in the vicinity of Dublin, notoriously illustrate this argument, as they are now (they who. can get any) working for fifty and sixty per cent. less wages than at this time two years back, and the necessaries of life are rather augmented in their prices than diminished!!!

Hearken, O ye Poor of the land! While great men have an unbounded power to raise their rents and your provisions-and at the same time, an uncontrouled power to make War, and consequently to dry up, or diminish the sources of your income, your subsistence will, at the best be precarious, and your very existence often miserable! The present want of bread and butcher's meat amongst the poor, is not owing to the want of grain or grass in the world, nor, I presume, in this land, but owing to the price of it being excessively above the price of labour. When, there fore the price of labour cannot be brought up to the rate of provisions, provisions should be reduced to the rate of labour. Till this is practicable, the poor are miserable!

During the last twenty years, mechanical wages have been varied, ac

cording

cording to circumstances, several times, and not unusually, in some branches, twenty, thirty, forty, and even fifty per cent. I mean on the lowering, as well as the rising side of the medium. But, win regard to land rent, its variations have always been progressive and to find a single instance to the contrary, would be almost, if not altogether, impossible !

It requires but little sagacity to see, that the Game Laws, Riot Act, and Felons, &c. &c. are made chiefly for the security of the Rich against the depredations of the Poor. But what security have the Poor against the oppression and extortion of the Rich? Certainly none at all. As every comfort of life is derived from land, and as the rich are the proprietors thereof, it may in some sense be said, that they hold the issues of life and death; and, whilst they can, uninterruptedly, raise their tents without limitation or restraint, they have an alarming and unbounded power over, not only the happiness, but even the lives of the great mass of the people-the Poor! If, then, Satesmen have a right to advance their lands in times of pros perity, the Poor ought to have a Parliament of their own chusing, invested with power to reduce them in days of adversity. This balance of power between the Rich and the Poor, would be productive of a thousand times more consolation to this Nation, than the chimerical nonsense of court-jug

glers," the balance of power in Eu rope." Nor can I imagine that any judicious person would call such a power in Parliament unjust or irra tional, which when exercised, could ruin none, but bless millions! if it would be cruel to make a Statesman of twenty thousand pounds per an. num, live a year or two upon ten thou sand pounds; how much more remorseless is it, to make the Liberty weavers, as well as some hundred thou sands more live upon nothing-or, what is little better, upon Charity!!! Besides, it is a curious truth, that the very superfluities which ruin hundreds of the voluptuous great, would render happy, the innumerable unhappy part of mankind.

GREAT GOD! What spectacle so affecting to a reflecting mind as Ireland in her present state-On the one hand, we see the impudent Nobles advertising their "Grand Dinners,"* in the very face of the hungry Poor whom they have ruined!! On the other hand, Widows, Orphans, and others, are weeping, and often dying for want of bread! What can be more odious in the sight of Heaven, than Feast and Famine in the same nation? Yet, this literally is the case in this kingdom at this moment, and not only in the Nation, but in every town, in every street, yea, often under the same roof!

Open your eyes, O ye poor of the land in vain are your hands and your mouths

AN AMERICAN ANECDOTE.

An Indian, who lately came to one of the American Settlements to barter away his furs, had beads and other small trinkets delivered to him, wrapt up in pieces of English Newspapers. Curious to know what was going on in that country, he asked a Trader WHO COULD READ, to explain the contents. The first paragraph was,-"Yesterday his Majesty, accompanied by Lord C. and Lord W. and several other Noblemen and Gentlemen, took the diversion of hunting." The next, "The Windsor hunt was last week most numerously attended;"-this was followed by "The Duchess of Gordon's SUPERB dinner, attended by all the cabinet Ministers, except three, who had unfortu nately SPLENDID dinners at their own houses, the same evening; but for these gentlemen, her grace has declared her intention of having a magnificent feast next week." The next paragraph was dated from Yorkshire, and gave a long account of Colonel Thornton's hounds having run a fox more than 50 miles. The reader was going on with the relation of several other dinners for LORDS and COMMONS, when the Indian inter rupting him, cried out, "Stop, let me hear no more-I see that in what you call a c vilized country, and boast so much about, the whole business of life is the same as with us-HUNTING and FEASTING.

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