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fatal malignity of their passions. At your accession to the throne the whole system of government was altered; not from wisdom or deliberation, but because it had been adopted by your predecessor. A little personal motive of pique and resentment was sufficient to remove the ablest servants of the crown; but it is not in this country, sir, that such men can be dishonoured by the frowns of a king. They were dismissed, but could not be disgraced..

Without consulting your minister, call together your whole council. Let it appear to the public that you can determine and act for yourself. Come forward to your people; lay aside the wretched formalities of a king, and speak to your subjects with the spirit of a man, and in the language of a gentleman. Tell them you have been fatally deceived: the acknowledgment will be no disgrace, but rather an honour, to your understanding. Tell them you are determined to remove every cause of complaint against your government; that you will give your confidence to no man that does not possess the confidence of your subjects; and leave it to themselves to determine, by their conduct at a future election, whether or not it be in reality the general sense of the nation, that their rights have been arbitrarily invaded by the present House of Commons, and the constitution betrayed. They will then do justice to their representatives and to themselves.

These sentiments, sir, and the style they are conveyed in, may be offensive, perhaps, because they are new to you. Accustomed to the language of courtiers, you measure their affections by the vehemence of their expressions: and when they only praise you indirectly, you admire their sincerity. But this is not a time to trifle with your fortune. They deceive you, sir, who tell you that you have many friends whose affections are founded upon a principle of personal attachment. The first foundation of friendship is not the power of conferring benefits, but the equality with which they are received, and may be returned. The fortune which made you a king, forbade you to have a friend; it is a law of nature, which cannot be violated with impunity. The mistaken prince who looks for friendship will find a favourite, and in that favourite the ruin of his affairs.

The people of England are loyal to the House of Hanover, not from a vain preference of one family to another, but from a conviction that the establishment of that family was necessary to the support of their civil and religious liberties. This, sir, is a principle of allegiance equally solid and rational; fit for Englishmen to adopt, and well worthy of your majesty's encouragement. We cannot long be deluded by nominal distinctions. The name of Stuart of itself is only contemptible: armed with the sovereign authority, their principles are formidable. The prince who imitates their conduct should be warned by their example; and while he plumes himself upon the security of his title to the crown, should remember that, as it was acquired by one revolution, it may be lost by another.

JOHN HORNE TOOKE-M. DE-LOLME.

As a philologist or grammarian, JOHN HORNE TOOKE (1736-1812) is known in literature, but his chief celebrity arises from his political and social character. He was the son of Mr. Horne, a wealthy London poulterer, and hence the punning answer made to his school-fel. lows who asked what his father was. 'A Turkey merchant,' was the boy's reply. John Horne was well educated-first at Westminister, then at Eton, and afterwards at St. John's College, Cambridge. His father designed him for the church, and he took orders, but disliking the clerical profession, he studied law at the Middle Temple. He travelled in France and Italy as travelling tutor, first to a son of Elwes the miser, and secondly to a Mr. Taylor of Surrey; and having cast off the clerical character in these continental tours, he never again resumed it. He became an active politician and supporter of John Wilkes, in favour of whom he wrote an anonymous pamphlet in 1765. In 1770, he distinguished himself by the part he took in a memorable public event. The king (George III.) having from the

throne censured an address presented by the city authorities, the latter waited upon the sovereign with another 'humble address,' remonstrance, and petition, reiterating their request for the dissolution of parliament and the dismissal of ministers. They were again repulsed, and the king stating that he would consider such a use of his prerogative as dangerous to the interests and constitution of the country, Horne Tooke, anticipating such a reception, suggested to his friend, Mr. Beckford, the lord mayor, the idea of a reply to the sovereign; a measure unexampled in our history. When the lord mayor had retired from the royal presence, 'I saw Beckford,' said Tooke, ‘just after he came from St. James's. I asked him what he had said to the king, and he replied, that he had been so confused, he scarcely knew what he had said. "But," cried I, " your speech must be sent to the papers; I'll write it for you.' He did so; it was printed and diffused over the kingdom, and was engraved on the pedestal of a statue of Beckford erected in Guildhall.* This famous unspoken speech, the composition of Horne Tooke, is as follows:

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN.-Will your majesty be pleased so far to condescend as to permit the mayor of your loyal city of London to declare in your royal presence, on behalf of his fellow-citizens, how much the bare apprehension of your majesty's displeasure would. at all times, affect their minds? The declaration of that displeasure has already filled them with inexpressible anxiety, and with the deepest affliction. Permit me, sire, to assure your majesty, that your majesty has not in all your dominions any subjects more faithful, more dutiful, or more affectionate to your majesty's person or family, or more ready to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in the maintenance of the true honour and dignity of your crown. We do, therefore, with the greatest humility and submission, most earnestly supplicate your majesty, that you will not dismiss us from your presence without expressing a more favourable opinion of your faithful citizens, and without some comfort, without some prospect, at least of redress. Permit me, sire, further to observe that whoever has already dared, or shall hereafter endeavour, to alienate your majesty's affections from your loyal subjects in general, and from the city of London in particular, and to withdraw your confidence in, and regard for your people, is an enemy to your majesty's person and family, a violator of the public peace, and a betrayer of our happy constitution as it was established at the glorious and necessary revolution.

There seems little to excite popular enthusiasm in this address, but it had the appearance of bearding the king upon the throne,' and the nation was then in a state of political ferment. Horne Tooke's subsequent quarrel with Wilkes and controversy with Junius are well known. In the latter he was completely and eminently successful. He had ere this formally severed himself from the church (1773), and again taken to the study of the law. His spirited opposition to an inclosure bill, which it was attempted to hurry through parliament, procured him the favour of a wealthy client, Mr. Tooke of Purley, from whom he inherited a fortune of about $8000, and whose surname of Tooke he afterwards assumed. To this connection we must also ascribe part of the title of his greatest work, Epea Pteroenta, or the Diversions of Purley.' So early as 1778, Tooke had addressed a 'Letter to Mr. Dunning' on the rudiments of grammar, and the prin

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*The best account of this political mancavre is given in the Recollections of Samuel Rogers, 1850,

ciples there laid down were followed up and treated at length in the 'Diversions,' of which the first part appeared in 1786, and a second part in 1805. Wit, politics, metaphysics, etymology, and grammar are curiously mingled in the work. The chief object of its author was an attempt to prove that all the parts of speech, including those which grammarians considered as expletives and unmeaning particles, may be resolved into nouns and verbs. As respects the English language, he was considered to have been successful; and his knowledge of the northern languages, no less than his liveliness and acuteness, was highly commended. But his idea that the etymological history of words is a true guide, both as to the present import of the words themselves, and as to the nature of those things which they are intended to signify, is a fanciful and fallacious assumption.

However witty and well informed as an etymologist, Horne Tooke was meagre in definition and metaphysics. He diverted himself and friends with philosophical studies, but made politics and social pleasure the real business of his life-thus reminding us more of the French savans of the last century than of any class of English students or authors. In 1794 Horne Tooke was tried for high treasonaccused with Hardy, Thelwall, and others of conspiring and corresponding with the French Convention to overthrow the English constitution. His trial excited intense interest, to which the eloquence of Erskine, his counsel, has given something more than temporary importance. It lasted several days, and ended in his acquittal. For a short time Horne Tooke sat in Parliament, as member for Old Sarum, but did not distinguish himself as a legislator or debater. His latter years were spent in a sort of lettered retirement at Wimbledon, entertaining his friends to Sunday dinners and quiet parties, and delighting them with his lively and varied conversation-often more amusing and pungent than delicate or correct.

'The Constitution of England, or an Account of the English Government,' by JOHN LEWIS DE-LOLME (1740-1806), was recommended by Junius as a performance deep, solid, and ingenious.' The author was a native of Geneva, who had studied the law. His work on the English constitution was first published in Holland, in the French language. The English edition, enlarged and dedicated by the author to King George III., appeared in 1775. De-Lolme wrote several slight political treatises, and expected to be patronised by the British government. In this he was disappointed; and his circumstances were so reduced, that he was glad to accept of relief from the Literary Fund. The praise of Junius has not been confirmed by the present generation, for De-Lolme's work has fallen into neglect.

THE EARL OF CHATHAM.

A series of letters, written at this time, has been published. The collection is inferior in literary value, but its author was one of the greatest men of his age—perhaps the first of English orators and

statesmen. We allude to a volume of letters written by the Earl of Chatham to his nephew, Thomas Pitt, Lord Camelford. This work contains much excellent advice as to life and conduct, a sincere admiration of classical learning, and great kindliness of domestic feeling and affection. Another collection of the correspondence of Lord Chatham was made and published in 1840, in four volumes. Some light is thrown on contemporary history and public events by this correspondence; but its principal value is of a reflex nature, derived from our interest in all that relates to the lofty and commanding intellect which shaped the destinies of Europe. WILLIAM PITT was born on the 15th of November 1708. He was educated at Eton, whence he removed to Trinity College, Oxford. He was afterwards a cornet in the Blues. His military career, however, was of short duration for in 1735 he had a seat in parliament, being returned member for Old Sarum. His talents for debate were soon conspicuous; and on the occasion of a bill for registering seamen in 1740, he made his memorable reply to the elder Horatio Walpole (brother of Sir Robert), who had taunted him on account of his youth. This burst of youthful ardour has been immortalised by Dr Johnson, who then reported the parliamentary debates for the 'Gentleman's Magazine.' Speech of Pitt, afterwards Lord Chatham, on being taunted on Account of Youth.

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SIR. The atrocious crime of being a young man, which the honourable gentleman has, with such spirit and decency, charged upon me, I shall neither attempt to palliate nor deny, but content myself with wishing that I may be one of those whose follies may cease with their youth, and not of that number who are ignorant in spite of experience. Whether youth can be imputed to any man as a reproach, I will not, sir, assume the province of determining; but surely age may become justly contemptible, if the opportunities which it brings have passed away without improvement, and vice appears to prevail when the passions have subsided. The wretch who, after having seen the consequences of a thousand errors, continues still to blunder, and whose age has only added obstinacy to stupidity, is surely the object either of abhorrence or contempt, and deserves not that his gray hairs should secure him from insult. Much more, sir, is he to be abhorred who, as he has advanced in age, has receded from virtue, and become more wicked with less temptation; who prostitutes himself for money which he cannot enjoy, and spends the remains of his life in the ruin of his country. But youth, sir. is not my only crime; I have been accused of acting a theatrical part. A theatrical part may either imply some peculiarities of gesture, or a dissimulation of my real sentiments, and an adoption of the opinions and language of

another man.

In the first sens, sir, the charge is too trifling to be confuted, and deserves only to be mentioned that it may be despised. I am at liberty, like every other man, to use my own language; and though, perhaps, I may have some ambition to please this gentleman, I shall not lay myself under any restra.nt, nor very solicitously copy his iction or his mien. however matured by age, or modelled by experience. But if any man shall, by charging me with theatrical behaviour, imply that I utter any sentimente but my own, I shall treat him as a calumniator and a villain; nor shall any protection shelter him from the treatment he deserves. I shall on such an occasion, without scruple, trample upon all those forms with which wealth and dignity intrench themselves; nor shall anything but age restrain my resentment; age, which always brings one privilege, that of being implent and supercilious. without punishment. But with regard, sir, to those whom I have offended, I am of opinion that if I had acted a borrowed part. I should have avoided their censure; the heat that offended them is the ardour of conviction, and that zeal for the service

of my country which neither hope nor fear shall influence me to suppress. I will not sit unconcerned while my liberty is invaded, nor look in silence upon public robbery. I will exert my endeavours, at whatever hazard, to repel the aggressor, and drag the thief to justice, whoever may protect him in his villainy, and whoever may partake of his plunder.

The style of this speech is eminently Johnsonian-not the style of Pitt. We need not follow the public career of Pitt, which is, in fact, a part of the history of England during a long and agitated period. His style of oratory was of the highest class, rapid, vehement, and overpowering, and it was adorned by all the graces of action and delivery. His public conduct was singularly pure and disinterested, considering the venality of the times in which he lived; but as a statesman, he was often inconsistent, haughty, and impracticable. His acceptance of a peerage (in 1766) hurt his popularity with the nation, who loved and reverenced him as 'the great commoner;' but he still shook the senate' with the resistless appeals of his eloquence. His speech-delivered when he was upwards of sixty, and broken down and enfeebled by disease-against the employment of Indians in the war with America, is too characteristic, too noble to be omitted:

Speech of Chatham against Employment of Indians in the War with

America.

I cannot, my lords, I will not, join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace. This, my lords, is a perilous and tremendous moment; it is not a time for adulation; the smoothness of flattery cannot save us in this rugged and awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct the throne in the language of truth. We must. if possible, dispel the delusion and darkness which envelop it, and display, in its full danger and genuine colours, the ruin which is brought to our doors. Can ministers still presume to expect support in their infatuation? Can parliament be so dead to their dignity and duty, as to give their support to measures thus obtruded and forced upon them; measures, my lords, which have reduced this late flourishing empire to scorn and contempt? But yesterday, and England might have stood against the world: now, none so poor to do her reverence! The people whom we at first despised as rebels, but whom we now acknowledge as enemies, are abetted against you, supplied with every military store. have their interest consulted, and their ambassadors entertained, by your inveterate enemy; and ministers do not, and dare not, interpose with dignity or eff ct. The desperate state of our army abroad is in part known. No man more highly esteems and honours the English troops than I do; I know their virtues and their valour; I know they can achieve anything but impossibilities; and I know that the conquest of English America is an impossibility. You cannot, my lords, you cannot conquer America. What is your present situation there? We do not know the worst; but we know that in three campaigns we have done nothing and suffered much. You may swell every expense, accumulate every assistance, and extend your traffic to the shambles of every German despot; your attempts will be for ever vain and impotent-doubly so, inde d, from this mercenary aid on which you rely; for it irritates, to an incurable resentment, the minds of your adversaries, to overrun them with the mercenary sons of rapine and plunder. devoting them and their possessions to the rapacity of hireling cruelty. If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while à foreign troop was landed in my country, I never would lay down my arms: Never, never, never! But, my lords, who is the man that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorise and associate to our arms the tomshawk and scalping-knife of the savage: to call into civilized alliance the wild and Anhuman inhabitant of the woods; to delegate to the merciless Indians the defence

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