of government, but there was no possibility of amending them by such means; that relying on my good sense and general knowledge of the population, he made the communication to me, it being in my power to render a most important service to society, and a duty incumbent on me to use my influence, and make every exertion to suppress it. I observed I was still sceptical as to its existence that I was equally convinced with him of the absurdity and utter hopelessness of doing any good by such means that I considered nothing could better serve the purpose of the Ministry, and those opposed to every species of Reform, than such an attempt, as it would serve as a pretext for throwing discredit on its advocates, and quashing the demand then so generally made. Richmond adds, "The Reform committees were now keeping up an active correspondence, but I was certain that nothing of a secret nature was mixed up with their proceedings. In the City of Glasgow the parties engaged in the active management were men in business, and the greater portion of them respectable in their situations in life; with all of them I was acquainted; knew every proceeding, and their general knowledge and information I considered a sufficient guarantine that they would not embark in any desperate attempt," &c.

Now, in the present investigation, it is of the utmost importance to attend to dates. Richmond, who was bred a common weaver, had some years previously (1813) been indicted, with a great many others, before the High Court of Justiciary, as accessary to a combination for raising weavers' wages, &c. Mr. Jeffrey, the present Lord Advocate of Scotland, and Mr. Cockburn, the present Solicitor-General of Scotland, were retained as Counsel for the accused. Both of those excellent eminent men felt deeply for the distressed situation of the poor weavers, and humanely offered to assist them, as far as lay in their power. It was thought prudent for Richmond, at that time, not to face this indictment, but to leave Scotland, and allow himself to be outlawed. This course he followed, but he returned soon afterwards to Pollockshaws, in a state of abject poverty, and presuming on the former humane offer of Mr. Jeffrey, Richmond, it seems, wrote to him on the 3d of December, 1816, representing his situation, and supplicating pecuniary assistance. To the honour of Mr. Jeffrey, who, we presume, little dreamt, at that time, that there would be such a revolution in politics, as would place him in the high station he now occupies, though that station is not greater than bis transcendent abilities justly entitled him to, he, on the receipt of this letter of Richmond, which many would have treated with indifference, just because it invoked an act of charity,-held a consultation with his friend, Mr. Cockburn, and they actually entertained the generous intention of procuring a bank credit for Richmond, to the extent of several hundreds of pounds, with the view of enabling him to commence business on his own account, as a manufacturer in Glasgow, thinking that his abilities, (for he was really a clever fellow,) were better adapted to such a situation, than that of a common weaver. On the 8th of December, 1816, Richmond was honoured with a letter from Mr. Jeffrey, stating, that he (Mr. Jeffrey) had that day written to Mr. Kirkman Finlay, and

Mr. Henry Monteith; who were at the head of the manufacturerg of Glasgow, in his (Richmond) behalf, and suggesting to Richmondsshe propriety of calling upon them to state his own views as early as pos sible Accordingly (says Richmond), I called upon Mr. Finlay,oa day or two after, who received melinsa very flattering mander He entered into all the minutiae of my business, but thought it would be more advisable for me to obtain some respectable situation, such as my abilities and perseverance enabled me to fill and to procure which, be was ready to lend all the assistance in his power."It then occurred to Mr. Finlay, that Mr. Owen, of New Lanark, wanted a person to superintend his establishment, and he offered to introduce Richmond to that gentleman, in his (Mr. Finlay's) own house in Queen-street, on the following morning. "I accordingly (says Richmond) attended at the time, and was introduced by Mr. Finlay to Mr. Owen. Mr. Finlay left us alone, and we spent several hours together. Previous to Mr. Finlay leaving us in the morning, he requested me not to leave his house until his return, as he was anxious to have some particular conversation with me, after my interview with Mr. Owen had terminated." This was the political conversation we have previously detailed, regarding the "secret conspiracy to overthrow the government," of which, if we can believe Richmond, Mr. Finlay assured him, that government" had the most positive and undoubted information of the (then) existence of such a conspiracy"

We have been thus minute in these details, for the purpose of fixing the date of Richmond's first political interview with Mr. Kirkman Finlay apoint, as our readers will soon see, of the utmost consequence to this investigation. And since Richmond admits, that he received Mr. Jeffrey's letter, on the 8th of December, 1816, and that he called on Mr. Finlay " a day or two after," when the above conversation took place, we presume we are quite justisfied in saying, that the converation must have taken place on the 10th or 11th of December, 1816. Richmond, without entering into further detail at this preliminary stage of his connexion with Mr. Finlay, significantly adds, the communication he (Mr. F.) then made, produced the most serious consequences to me, and involved matters of no slight public interest."

On the 18th of December (says Richmond), I went to New Lanark, where. I remained till the 22d. During the time I continued with Mr. Owen, we went over the whole practical and theoretical details of his system. The visit gave mutual satisfaction, and it was agreed that I should take the charge of conducting the new arrangements he contemplated, the amount of salary alone being left undetermined. Mr. Finlay requested me not to close finally with Mr. Owen during my visit, and wished to see me immediately on my return. I called upon him the same evening, and after disposing of the subject of my visit to Mr. Owen, he recurred to public affairs. He said they had made no progress in gaining information during my absence—(a statement which clearly implies, that Richmond and Finlay understood teach other pretty well before,) and the consternation and alarm were daily increasing among the higher classes, in consequence of the threats

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held out, (there was nothing of the kind,) and the menacing appearance the people had assumed; that it was impossible to impose any check, without ascertaining who were the leaders, and he considered my personal assistance was essential to enable them to do so. I answered, that, however necessary he might consider my assistance, it was a matter which might involve too serious consequences for me to engage in, without consulting my friends, and I therefore wished to refer td Mr. Cockburn and Mr. Jeffrey, for their opinions. To this proposition, however, he strongly objected. He said, that confiding in my honour, he had entrusted me with AN IMPORTANT STATE SECRET; and although the gentlemen mentioned were bonourable upright men, and might make no improper use of the information, their political opinions differed from those who had the government of the country in their hands, and it would therefore be highly improper to le let them know any thing of the matter. He then added, that he had now the authority of the government to offer me a respectable permanent situation, if I would lend my assistance to suppress the conspiracy.

To suppress the conspiracy!!"-of course, it would not have done for Richmond to have said to "invent the conspiracy," agreeable to the important State Secret" which Mr. Finlay, the direct correspondent of Lord Sidmouth, had confided to him, although, if Richmond had made that admission, he only would have told the truth, and could not have injured his own degraded name farther than it has already been. But we shall demonstrate to the satisfaction of the public, 1st, that no conspiracy, like that, which formed the subject of the conversation between Richmond and Finlay, existed in Scotland, or at any rate, in Glasgow. And we shall further demonstrate to the satisfaction of the public, that if there was any conspiracy at all deserving the name, it was hatched by Richmond after his interview with Mr. Finlay -AFTER Richmond, tempted by the Government situation proferred to him by Mr. Finlay, "on the authority of Government," had agreed to accept the wages of iniquity, and to entrap the thoughts less and the unwary into his cold-blooded atrocious designs, sho On the first point, we refer triumphantly to the fact, that notwiths standing the numerous apprehensions which subsequently took place, in Glasgow, notwithstanding the most rigid examinations which also subsequently took place, under the direct superintendence not only of the whole of the local authorities, including Sheriffs and Magistrates, assisted by the whole of the Crown Lawyers from Edinburgh ;-notwithstanding, in short, of every artifice and means that could be thought of, or resorted to, to bolster up this " conspiray," and to give it (

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a local habitation and a name,"

they were utterly unable to adduce even "the shadow of a shade” of évidence against any one, prior to the middle of December, 1816. And, therefore, in the total absence of such evidence, can any able man now hesitate to conclude, that "the most positive and undoubted information of the existence of such a conspiracy," which

reason

Mr. Finlay, in the beginning of December, told Richmond the Govern ment were already at that period in possession of, was altogether a fiction-resting in their own evil imaginations-but the realization of which they in their hearts desired, for the purpose (as Richmond himself, unluckily for them, admits,) of "quashing the demand for Reform then so generally made ?"

In reference to the second point, let us first attend to the following striking and most important admission, made by Richmond himself, page 83 of his Narrative:-"I was (says he) in the practice of meeting Mr. Finlay, and Mr. Reddie, every socond or third evening, or oftener, as the case might require. These meetings took place, first in Mr. Finlay's house, and afterwards, to avoid suspicion, in that of Mr. Reddie.".

Richmond, evidently, by this time, had got the cue, and understood what was wanted of him. If he had had an honest job or project in hand, would he have talked of his nocturnal visits to Mr. Finlay in this manner? Would he not rather have made it his boast that he entered the spacious mansion of that gentleman every hour of the day, "steeled to the breast in honesty?" But the maxim is true that the guilty "hate the light, because their deeds are evil.”

The State secret" being communicated to Richmond, in the way we have stated, it was, of course, requisite for him to act agreeably to it. One of the first individuals he assailed, or rather, we should say, that he marked out for destruction, was Mr. William M'Kimmie, an intelligent weaver in Calton of Glasgow, who is still living, and who will check us if we are wrong. Richmond knew that M'Kimmie was a keen Reformer, and possessed some influence among an extensive circle of acquaintances, by whom he was respected; and as M'Kimmie had previously suffered an imprisonment of nine months, for joining the combination of the weavers, as it was called, some years before, for raising their wages, to which we have already alluded, Richmond, no doubt, thought that M Kimmie, smarting under the recollection of that eircumstance, would the more easily be prevailed upon to join in any enterprise against the Government. Accordingly, Richmond, in the first instance, represented to M Kimmie, as well as to others, in glowing language, that he had learned from private, but sure sources, that the people in many districts of England, irritated at the government for scouting their petitions in the way that was done, were actually arming and forming themselves into sections for the purpose of overturning the Government, or compelling it to redress their numerous grievances. And Richmond strongly urged the propriety of adopting a similar line of conduct in this important part of Scotland, and that every person entertaining his views, (luckily there were few,) should form themselves into a secret body-and organize themselves for the occasion, after first subscribing "an indissoluble Bond, and taking a solemn Oath to lend their united aid in forcing a complete Reform in the Representation," Richmond added, that if M Kimmie would only take the lead, and make a beginning in this affair, that "he (Richmond) knew a quarter from which plenty of money could be got to defray all expenses," &c.

At this early stage of the business, M'Kimmie had really no suspicion that Richmond was the man he afterwards turned out to be; but providentially for himself, he rejected Richmond's statements and propositions with indignation, and Richmond therefore found it necessary to look out for other, and more willing tools.

He found these in the persons of John M'Lauchlane, then weaver in Calton-Macdowal Peat, then weaver in Anderston-and George Biggar, then weaver in Calton, &c., who may be said to have been his secretaries, or understrappers. Under the direction of Richmond, these persons contrived to muster an assemblage of thirteen or sixteen individuals common workmen, like themselves in the house of Mr. William Leggat, spirit-dealer, Tradeston, Glasgow, on the evening of the 1st of January, 1817,-a period which Richmond, in the baseness of his heart, well knew, was more likely than any other in the whole year, to throw ordinary men off their guard, or to make them the least inclined to entertain suspicion, or any other uncharitable feeling towards their acquaintances.

Richmond did not think it prudent to attend this meeting himself. "My proceedings (says he, p. 66 of his Narrative,) required to be conducted with the utmost caution. I plied M'Lauchlane, who had already committed himself to me. I g I gave him small sums of money to relieve his necessities, regulated so as not to excite suspicion. So far (says R.,) this had the effect."

Our indignation begins to take fire at this cool, deliberate species of villainy so alluded to by Richmond himself. On the motion of his "plyed " emissary, M Lauchlane, his other emissary, Macdowal Peat, took the chair at this motley assemblage in Leggat's house, on the new-year's-day evening of 1817, and at the first convenient moment, this said emissary, Macdowal Peat, rose from his chair, and exhibited the celebrated Treasonable Oath," which had been put into his hands previously by Richmond, for that purpose!

Huch Dickson, weaver in Glasgow, who was entrapped into attendance at this meeting, printed a statement in 1825, explanitory of what took place at it. He declares, that when Peat proposed this Oath to be taken, (we shall give the precise words of it immediately,).considerable discussion arose," One man said, he would not take the Oath, until he asked the advice of his minister; another said that he must have a week to consider on it, so that we got into confusion, concerning what was to be done. Mr. Leggat would take no oath. entered into a detail of the danger that might attend it. I was so shocked from what had fallen from Leggat, that I asked John Campbell out, to whom I made some remarks-when we returned, we were told that the Bond (the Oath) was agreed to, by mutual consent that the business was finished, and that the next meeting was to be held on the 11th, in Neil Munn's, Ingram-street.

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"A few copies of the Bond (the Oath) were written (says Dickson) from the original. Macdowal Peat took his copy and the original

Vide Hugh Dickson's Pamphlet, 1825, p. 21.at