peatedly enjoins it ;" and he refers us to the example of the apostles of religion, who " resisted not the powers of the world by bodily force, but by patient endurance, and by heroic self-devotion." Finally he tells us, in the concluding passage of the pages we have quoted from him, a passage singularly applicable to the conduct of the covenanting rulers, that "unfortunately, the opposition to the encroachments of arbitrary power has too often been commenced by selfish men for base purposes," who, he adds, "have broken the laws of their country, dipped their hands in blood, and needlessly brought ruin on themselves and their party.” This is an unpremeditated and unconscious echo of what the murdered Montrose, and his Mentor, inculcated two hundred years ago, before the great civil war, and its fearful results, had verified their worst anticipations. "Civil societies, (said they) so pleasing to Almighty God, cannot subsist without government, nor government without a sovereign power to force obedience to laws and just commands. * * * This sovereignty is, a power over the people, above which power there is none upon earth, whose acts cannot be rescinded by any other, instituted by God for his glory, and the temporal and eternal happiness of men. *** Patience in the subject is the best remedy against the effects of a prince's power too far extended. *** But there is a fair and justifiable way for subjects to procure a moderate government, incumbent to them in duty, which is, to endeavour the security of Religion and just Liberties, (the matters on which a prince's power doth work,) which being secured, his power must needs be temperate and run in the even channel. * * * The perpetual cause of the controversies between the prince and his subjects, is the ambitious designs of rule in great men, veiled under the specious pretext of religion and the subjects' liberties." Professor Sedgwick's sacred principle of obedience to civil government, and his views of the moral depravity of rebellion, are not to be distinguished, except by those who indulge in mere verbal disputes, from Montrose and Napier's exposition of the divine and inviolable character of sovereign power upon earth, "whether in the person of a monarch, or in a few principal men, or in the estates of the people.”* It is hoped, then, that the new materials, with which I have illustrated Montrose and his times, will be considered as not limited, in their interest and importance, to the tastes of a certain class of historical readers in Scotland, but as being valuable to the cause of truth and justice generally. Could I suppose my own treatment of these materials to be worthy of the field of inquiry they reopen, I might have aspired to dedicate the result to the best existing representative of those lofty, unimpassioned principles,-so conservative of good government and time-honoured institutions,-those attributes, of untainted integrity in the senate, and matchless heroism in the field, which may they never cease to be the characteristics of the British nation. But I do not pretend to have brought to my task the talent and judg * See infra, pp. 397, 424, &c. ment it required. If, however, the various original documents now produced, and which, instead of consigning to the retirement of an appendix, I have interwoven with my text, shall be found to add any thing to the facts, and the interest of the most instructive period of British history, and, above all, shall in any degree tend to redeem from unmerited obloquy one illustrious victim of hypocritical democracy, I am satisfied to give up my own lucubrations in these volumes to whatever criticism they may call forth. It only remains to be added, that I was not so far wanting to my subject, nor in duty to the noble family whose proud distinction it is to represent the Hero, as to omit an application in the proper quarter for any original materials, in possession of the family, which might illustrate the life of Montrose. But that no such materials exist, I learn, with great regret, from his Grace the present Duke of Montrose, who, in a polite communication on the subject, informs me," I am sorry to say that we cannot give you any assistance in the performance of the task you are preparing to undertake, as there are no papers whatever existing, and in our possession, which can throw light upon the subject." 11, Stafford Street, April 1838. CONTENTS THE character of Montrose, how variously treated by histo- rical writers-Mr Brodie, Historiographer Royal for Scot- land, his character of Montrose contrasted with the opinions of Clarendon and De Retz-The Covenanters' character of Montrose-Nature and objects of the present Work-Lord Napier of Merchiston's connection with Montrose-Napier Manuscripts-Bishop Burnet's character of Montrose- Original letter, in the Napier charter-chest, illustrative of Bishop Burnet's own character-The question of Bur- net's truth and impartiality, in his delineations of character, set at rest by this letter-Scotch faction-Extracts from Lord Napier's private papers, illustrative of the character of Scotch councils and councillors, from the commencement of the reign of Charles I. in 1625, to his coronation in Scotland in 1633-Lord Napier's private notes of some in- congruities in matters of State-Manuscript of his offers of service to Charles I.-His manuscript on the subject of the Tithes, and illustration of the King's position and dis- Montrose's birth, parentage, and education-His early mar- Archer Guard of France-Contemporary portraiture of his rival the Marquis of Hamilton-Contemporary portraiture of Montrose-Anecdote of Hamilton's double dealing and treachery to Montrose at Court-Archibald Lord Lorn- When and why Montrose joined the Covenanters-Seditious and secret agitation in Scotland, betwixt the periods of the promulgation of the Canons in 1636, and the appointment of the new liturgy in 1637-Popular tumult against the liturgy in Edinburgh-Instigated by the ministers from the pulpit-Secretly organized by Balmerino and the Advocate -Commenced by the servant-maids on the 22d of July 1637-Secret instructions, to Archibald Johnston of Wa- riston, to organise a popular insurrection against the Bishop of St Andrews should he appear in public-Montrose no party to this secret agitation-Weakness and irresolution of the Privy-Council-Parties to the agitation against the Bishops-The Reverend Robert Baillie's account of the petitions against the Bishops, and the manner of his own conversion to it-Result of the agitation in the great con- vention held at Edinburgh, 15th November 1637-Mon- trose first joins the insurrection against the Bishops at this convention-Induced to join by the persuasions of Rothes and the Minister of Methven, and not through displeasure at the King's reception of him at Court-Constitution of Scotland overthrown, and the Tables erected, under the The Covenant-Its insidious nature and false pretensions— |