THE ORIGINAL

BY THOMAS WALKER, M. A.

TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.

BARRISTER AT LAW, AND ONE OF THE POLICE MAGISTRATES OF THE METROPOLIS.

PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AT 12 O'CLOCK, BY H. RENSHAW, 356, STRAND, NEARLY OPPOSITE WELLINGTON STREET.

No. IV.] WEDNESDAY, JUNE 10, 1835. [PRICE 3d.

PAROCHIAL GOVERNMENT.

(Continued.)

In the article on government in my second number I have said that the only machinery by which the greatest moral improvement can be effected, must consist of local governments, so ordered that those who are most successful in the honourable conduct of their own concerns would be selected, and being selected, would be willing to give up time sufficient to superintend the affairs of their respective communities. By the most successful in the honourable conduct of their own concerns,-I mean those who by prudence, sagacity, integrity, and industry, attain independence at least, or being born to fortune, exhibit those moral qualities which make fortune a blessing to themselves and to those around them. Now in order to secure the selection of such persons, it is necessary that those who are to select, should have uppermost, or indeed solely in their minds, their own individual well-being; and that being the case, it must follow that they would choose the best qualified to serve their respective communities. This

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is a principle which, though probably in some degree anciently in force, has long since fallen into neglect; and the relation between the electors and the elected, in parishes as elsewhere, is now too slight to make the electors sufficiently careful in their choice. For instance, in any parish it is ordinarily matter of indifference, or nearly so, to the parishioners at large, whom they elect to govern them; and if they do interest themselves, it is only on some extraordinary occasion, or for some party purpose; but indifference is the rule. The reason is two-fold;-first, because the powers of government are much too small;-and secondly, because the elections are by too large masses. The remedy is also twofold;-first, to divide every parish, if not already small enough, into such districts, that one individual, to be elected by each district, might be perfectly cognizant of its interests;-and secondly, to give him such powers that those interests would be materially promoted or injured according to his qualifications for using the powers intrusted to him. Then each elector would have the strongest possible inducement to make a judicious choice;-first, because he would be one of a number sufficiently limited to make his vote of decided consequence ;——and secondly, because he would personally and continually feel the good or ill effect of his selection. Now, the fittest persons to preside over the several districts would be also the fittest to be the governors of the whole parish, and therefore the self-interested feeling, which is the strongest and most constant, of each elector, would be made subservient to the interest of his community. This is what I mean, in my former article, by the words-" As the electors would come much into immediate contact with the objects of their choice, they would most likely--at least after a little experience—be more careful and discriminating than electors under other circumstances usually are. Mob-flatterers, adventurers, and jobbers would be too nearly in view long to escape detection." Under such a system these characters must either mend their

course, or sink into insignificance, to the great blessing of the country.

In the election of the heads of districts I should be inclined to give a vote to every man of competent age, having any thing like a settled inhabitancy, and I should make the elections annual. The elected should be the representatives of their districts, to all intents and purposes; the inhabitants delegating to them for the year the whole of their political power. Here would be the first step in a graduated system of representation-a principle absolutely necessary for the well-ordered government of a population so numerous as that of this country. The artificial system of electing electors is a false one; but here the soundest test is applied. The head of a district, besides being its representative in the parish, and its delegate every where, should be a peace officer with others under him elected like himself; should superintend the collection of rates; and should see to the enforcement of all laws relating to his charge-so that his attention to his duties, or his neglect or vexatious execution of them, would be felt by all within his jurisdiction. The evils arising from the present deficiencies of government might then be expected to vanish, and the effects of moral influence, the most powerful of all, would appear in their place. Division into organized districts would afford practicable fields for the well-disposed to work in, instead of the unmanageable and hopeless masses at present continually exposed to confusion and misrule. The consideration of the inducements to the most fitting persons to give up time sufficient to superintend the affairs of their respective communities, I shall defer till my next number. I will just add an observation of Dr. Johnson's as applicable to my doctrines. "I am a friend to subordination, as most conducive to the happiness of society. There is a reciprocal pleasure in governing and being governed."

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OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH.

The following Letter, addressed to the Bishop of London in my own name, appeared in the Times of January 26th, 1833. It has been since so often mentioned to me in terms of approbation, it is so much connected with parish government, and the subject is so applicable to the present conjuncture, that I am induced to republish it without any alteration.

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My Lord,-Your Lordship's position as Bishop of this metropolis, your zeal and energy, and your particular attention to the subject of this letter, make me decide at once to whom to address it.

"The means of accomplishing a better observance of the Sabbath have long occupied my thoughts, and were intended to form a principal topic in a second part to my pamphlet on pauperism, of which work your Lordship has been pleased to express your approbation. I am induced to write at this conjuncture by my conviction, from constant experience as a magistrate, of the rapidly increasing demoralization of the lower classes, and by the painful number I am obliged to witness of cases of vice and misery, utterly remediless in the present very inadequate state of our civil and ecclesiastical local polity. I shall confine myself on this occasion to only one suggestion, which I believe would be the best practical beginning of a more effective system.

"To your Lordship, and all those by whom any sound and far-reaching improvement is to be accomplished, it would be quite superfluous to enlarge upon the advantages of a due observance of Sunday in a religious point of view; but I wish to make an observation on the uses of bringing the whole population one day in the week upon parade, if I may so express myself. The consequences would be, a more general solicitude" to provide things honest in the sight of all men,”

and a greater carefulness to avoid whatever was individually lowering in the general eye. Here is a forcible and constantly-recurring check on the evil doings of men, and on the indiscretions of the other sex,-here is a most powerful inducement to decency of appearance and behaviour; and if we contrast what must be the condition of a universally church-going people with that of our present population, tainted, preyed upon, and deranged by an untrained and unobserved refuse, we shall come to the conclusion that no pains and no expense would be too great, if only for our own sakes, to bring about the change. I could enlarge much upon this subject, and illustrate my observations by many facts, but a desire to be concise prevents me from adding more than that I believe the proper observance of a day of rest, even in a temporal view, is of much greater importance to the well-being of society than is generally conceived. I will take occasion here to avow my conviction that a national church is an institution essential to a well-disciplined state, and that it is for the general interest that that state should provide accommodation for religious worship, with every inducement to attend it, for those who otherwise would be unprovided. A position has lately been taken that Dissenters from the church ought not to be called on to contribute towards its maintenance, on the ground that they pay for themselves, and derive no benefit from the establishment. As well might a dissenter from gas lights, who should choose to carry his own lantern, protest against being rated, on the ground that, as he lighted himself, he derived no benefit from living in a lighted community. The argument is founded on false premises, and goes to the dissolution of society.

"Of the mass of persons who have lost the habit of going to a place of worship, or have never been there, it is probable most, if not all, have at times an inclination to change their course, either from some flash of good feeling, from curiosity, from the influence of remorse or calamity, or from some