Mr. Prefident, SIR,

THAT every country muft have

or other for its defence against foreign enemies, and that the only proper military force of a free country is a well regulated and well difciplined militia, are maxims fo certain, that I never reflected upon them, without being aftonished at our having fo long neglected to put the militia of this country upon any tolerable footing; therefore it was with great pleasure I heard of fome gentlemen's intending to form a fcheme for this purpofe, whole capacity and knowledge I could depend on, and this pleafure was very much increased by my first perufal of the bill now under confideration, because I thought it fufficient for anfwering the purpofe. I have fince perufed it feveral times with great attention; and the more I confider it, the more I am convinced that it is as compleat a bill as can poffibly be formed at the first out-fet. When it comes to be carried into execution fome explanations and amendments may perhaps appear to be neceifary, which is generally the cafe with every law by which any new and important regulation is to be introduced; but I do VOL. XII.

not think that any thing very material has been omitted, and the advantage is, that no omiffion, if there are any, can be attended with any great expence, or any prejudice to the publick, before we fhall have an opportunity to provide for them by a new bill, as the first operation of this bill is not to take place before the 5th of October next, when the lifts of all the men capable of ferving in the militia, are to be ordered to be returned againft a future day or days then to be appointed, fo that in all probability thofe lifts cannot be made out before the meeting of next feffion of parliament; and I muft obferve, made

be very proper for us to have copies of them laid before us, because we fhall then fee what number of men we have in the whole, and in every part of the kingdom, that may be deemed fit for the militia, which is a knowledge we cannot have, unlefs this bill be paffed into a law, and it is a knowledge we must have before we can propofe to put the finishing hand to the etablishment of a militia; and that we must have a well regulated and well difciplined militia, or fome other fort of military force for our defence is what I am fure, no man will dif pute.

But, Sir, it may perhaps be faid, that we may provide for our defence by keeping up a fufficient ftanding army of regular troops, or by calling in a body of foreign troops as often as we have occafion; and therefore I fhall beg leave to examine both these methods, beginning with that which is improperly called a ftanding army of regular troops, by which is meant a numerous body of men maintained in idleness at the publick expence, and governed by laws different from those Uu

of the fociety to which they belong. Teis, I fay, is improperly called a fanding army of regular troops, if it be thereby meant to distinguish it from what we now call a militia; for a well regulated and well difciplined militia is as much a standing army as any fort of army can be, and may be made as regular as any troops have occafion to be for real ufe. Therefore what is now called a landing army of regular troops, ought to be called a flanding army of mercenary troops; and the keeping up of fuch an army is to expentive, that it is impoflible for this nation to furnish the expence of keeping up fuch a numerous army of this kind, as would be fufficient for defending us againit our nearest and most inveterate enemy, especially confidering the great expence we must be at yearly, in fupporting our navy, and preferving our fæperiority at fea. This, Sir, is our cafe at prefent, and whenever this happens to be the cafe in any country, the only fure method they have left to provide for their defence, is by efablishing a well regulated and well difciplined militia. It is by this method that the Swis Cantons have preferved their freedom and independency against the numerous armies of Auftria as well as France; and it was by this method that our neighbours in Scotland thought of defending themselves in cafe of their having again become a kingdom quite diftinct from this, of which there was fome appearance in the year 1704, and therefore in that year they paled the famous act, called The Act of Security, for difcipling their militia, and providing them with arms; for they wifely forefaw, that if fuch a cafe fhould happen, it would be impoffible for them to furnish the expence of keeping up fuch a numerous unding army of mercenary troops as would be fufcient for defending them against the armies of this kingdom; but thank God, the existence of the cafe was prevented by the union of the two kingdoms, which was foon after concluded, and which has happily left

the inhabitants of this extenfive inland nothing else to think of, but how to defend themfelves against the neighbouring powers upon the continent of Europe.

The impoflibility of this nation's being able to furnish the expence, of keeping up fuch a numerous standing army of mercenary troops, as may of itself be fufficient for our defence, will plainly appear, Sir, if we confider the numerous armies kept up. by France, even in time of peace, and the expence of the fmall number of fuch troops now kept up by us. As the French keep up at least 150,000 men, even in time of peace, if they should ever by any accident gain a fuperiority at fea, and preferve that fuperiority but for three or four weeks, they might land 100,000 men of regular well ditciplined troops in this ifland; and if we had no men in the kingdom that knew any thing of arms, or military difcipline, but fuch as belonged to our ftanding army, which will be the cafe in a few years, if we go on neglecting our militia as we have done for many years pait, we could not propofe to defend ourselves againft fuch an accident without keeping up a ftanding army of at least 100,000 men. Such ftanding army, Sir, if kept up upon the fame footing as our regular troops are to be for this year, would coft us at leaft three millions fterling per ann. for if a ftanding army of 34,000 men cofts this year 930,000l. together with 152,000l. for the office of ordnance for land fervice, a ftanding army of 100,000 men must cost us at least three millions yearly, which is an expence that, I am fure, this nation could not fupport, even fuppokng we were quite free from any publick debt; and even with fuch a ftanding army our fate would abfolutely depend upon the flue of the firft battle, for fhould we be defeated, we could find no recruits who knew any thing of military difcipline, or had ever been bred to arms; from whence every one muft fee how imprudent it is to put our whole truft

in our standing army of mercenary troops, and to take no care to have our people in general bred to military difcipline, and the use of arms.

But now, Sir, fuppofing it were poffible for us to furnish the expence, of keeping up fuch a numerous army of mercenary troops, as might be fufficient for our defence in all events, and fuppofing we could depend upon that army alone for our defence, yet I will fay, it is a fort of defence which we never ought to chufe, nor ever will chufe, whilst there is a fpark of the fpirit of liberty remaining amongst us. A ftanding army of mercenary troops always, at laft, begin to look upon themselves as the matters of that country where they are kept up; and after the body of the people have been rendered daftardly and effeminate, which is the never failing confequence of a total difufe of arms, fuch an army will no longer fubmit to the civil power, than till they find a general who has art and conduct enough to unite them all under his influence. In republican, or aristocratical forms of government, this indeed is very difficult, because it is easy to prevent any one general's acquiring fuch an influence; but in a limited monarchy, fuch as ours, it is very easy, because the army naturally unite under their fovereign; and if the king has not ambition enough to aim at arbitrary power, fome general who happens to be his chief favourite probably may. From that moment the substance of our liberties would be annihilated, tho' the fhadow might perhaps be continued for fome time. Whilft our parliaments continued to do whatever was defired of them, they would be allowed to fit, in order that the king, or the favourite the general, in his name, might have a pretence to fay, that the laws of the land had always been the measure of his government; but if the parliament fhould refufe to agree to fuch laws, or fuch fupplies as the king or his favourite really intended to have; or should dare to remonftrate

against any measures which the king or his favourite had purfued, or was refolved to purfue, the officers of our ftanding army of mercenary troops, would be privately inftructed or petition their fovereign for laying parliaments afide, as an ufelefs and cumberfome burden upon the executive part of our government, and the difmilling of two or three officers for refufing, it any fhould refufe, to fign fuch a perition, would command a ready compli ance in all the reft.

In answer to this, Sir, I know it has been often urged, that we can have no apprehenfions from our army while it is commanded by gentlemen of the beft families and fortunes in the kingdom; but this is a doctrine that has been contradicted by the experience of all ages and all countries: The ftanding armies of Rome, by whom the liberties of that famous republick were overturned, were commanded by men of the belt families and fortunes in the commonwealth. In France the abfolute power of the crown was eflablifhed, and is now fupported, by ftanding armies of mercenary troops which were, and are ftill, commanded by the chief nobleffe of that kingdom. In fhort, Sir, in all countries where the liberties of the people have been overturned by a standing army of mercenary troops, we fhall find, that the officers of thofe armies were generally men of family and fortune, in the countries they refpectively belonged to; for men even of family and fortune are but too apt to contribute to the eftablishing of arbitrary power, when they expect to have a confiderable fhare in the difpenfing of it. This is an obfervation founded upon the na ture of mankind, and the behaviour of our army in the reign of James II. is far from being any objection to it; for most of the officers of that army faw, that if they fhould contribute to the eftablishment of arbitrary power in their fovereign, they would be fo far from having any fhare in the difpenfing of it, that they would themíves

become

auxiliaries would greatly add to the danger to which our liberties must always be expofed by a ftanding army, even of national mercenary troops; for foreign troops could neither underftand, nor have any regard to the liberties of the people: They could think of nothing but a blind obedience to the prince upon the throne; and if we then happened to have an ambitious prince upon the throne, or a weak prince governed by a wicked minifter, thefe foreign troops would be of fignal use to him, in fecuring the obedience of our own national troops to his most unconflitutional commands; for when men can have no hopes of being able to refift with fuccefs, their obedience generally becomes active, and this too is, I believe, the only cafe in which pallive obedience is ever practifed.

A third difadvantage, Sir, in this method of providing for our defence, is the expence with which it muft, upon every occafion, be attended. From this year's publick accounts we may fee, that the handful of foreign troops we have brought over upon the prefent occafion, will coft us above 300,000l. even fuppofing that we may fafely fend them back at Chriftmaз next; and this is an expence our neighbours of France may every fummer expofe us to, in time of peace as well as war; for it will be but marching a body of their troops towards the fea coaft in the fpring, and we muft thereupon fend in a hurry for our foreign auxiliaries. And befides this expence we muft, in order to have these auxiliaries at command, I fay, we must for ever pay annual fubfidies, and fo become, in fome measure, tributary to feveral of the princes upon the continent of Europe.

I think, Sir, I may now with the ftrongest reafon conclude, that a well regulated and well difciplined militia is the only military force that can be relied on, and the only fufficient military force which it is pofli

The next that spoke was M. Agrippa, Earl of Gr-ve-1, the Purport of achofe Speech was as follows.

Mr. Prefident,

SIR,

WITH

WITH regard to most of what was faid by the noble lord who fpoke laft. I fhall very readily concur in opinion with him, and yet I can by no means agree to the palling of this bill into a law, because I think it would be like throwing out a twig to a man in danger of drowning, by the grafping at which he is actually drowned, whereas by turning his eye another way, he might have caught hold of a rope, by which he might have been drawn to the fhore. A well regulated and well difciplined militia, Sir, is fo neceffary for the glory as well as fafety of every nation, that I with with all my heart we had it, but this bill, I am fure, will not give it us. On the contrary, the meaning of the word feems to have been miflaken by thofe who were the projectors of this bill, which mistake, I fuppofe, they were led into by what is called the militia in France, but what ought rather to be called a nursery for their ftanding army. What is properly called the militia of any country, comprehends every freeman in that country who is able to carry arms: This is what was formerly underfood by the militia of this country; and this is what is meant in that act which was paffed foon after the restoration for regulating our mili

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