Imported from Ireland. Irish manufactures and produce. London Out-ports 7 act of Ireland, which is, that each kingdom, when its prices denote a probable fcarcity, thall refort to the other for a fup£. 5. d. ply, before the goes to foreigners. There 687,489 6 24 is another circumftance worthy imitation 811,739 7 in this bill, which is, that it does not admit flour into the ports of Ireland, when 1,499,228 13 9 they are open for corn; by that means the manufacture and advantage is referved for her own mills, and the article is also better, because corn carries and keeps better in the ftate of grain than in flour. Great Britain fhould certainly referve the fame advantage. TRADE WITH SCOTLAND. On an average of ten years, ending 5th January, 1778, the imports into Ireland from Scotland were, Yearly in value Imports into Scotland from Ireland 307,115 148,235 Balance in favour of Scotland 47,773 This alteration arifes from the lofs Scotland has fuffered in the tobacco trade. She used to send to Ireland, yearly, 3500 hogfheads, before the war, and about 1000 during the war. In the year ending 25th March, 1784, Ireland imported from Scotland 1,152,496 lb.; the quantity is now reduced to a few hundred hogfheads. The quantity of fugars which Ireland has taken iu 1784, from Scotland, is much the fame as formerly, and other Weft-India articles nearly fo. The balance is likely to be much against Scotland for the year 1784, in confequence of the great number of live cattle fent thither this year from Ireland, and alfo a very large quantity of corn; the great demand for cattle is probably only temporary, and arols from the very fevere winter with which Scotland has been afflicted, and through which many cattle were starved. Of late years the import of corn from Ireland had greatly decreafed. Corn had been imported from the East Countries, or north of Europe, and had, fince the making the canals, been conveyed by them across the narrow part of the iflend to the weft of Scotland. Great Britain would do well to adopt the recprocal preference offered by the laft corn Notwithstanding Scotland is fo great a linen country, it appears that the value of the linens fhe takes from Ireland is above half of all her imports from that country. On the other hand. Ireland takes not much lefs of other forts of linens from Scorland, kenting alone amounting to 40,2351. and lawns 11,1751. in the year 1783. This should remove jealousy · it fhews that different fabrics of the fame manufacture may flourish in neighbouring countries to the advantage of both. Between 50 and 60 years ago, the annual exports from Ireland to Scotland were about 11,900l. above half of which was oatmeal. The imports from Scotland were 31,700l, of which coals were above one third, tobacco 7,800l., linen and kenting 3,500l. HEREDITARY REVENUE. An authentic Copy of the Remarks of the Chamber of Commerce of Ireland on the Twenty Commercial Propofitions. REMARK ON THE FIRST PROPOSITION. HE firft Propofition makes a decla jects of both kingdoms, it is not difficult to conceive many cafes in which fuch laws might be advantageous to Britain, and The might tion, final, &c. It is matter of great doubt whether any final regulation of commerce between two countries can ever be neceffary or proper; perhaps it were much better to regulate from time to time with mutual confent, as changes and circumstances may require. A final regulation of commerce will be deemed binding for ever against the weaker nation; but if found in any thing injurious to the ftronger, ways and means will be eafily found to explain it away. Is an example neceffary? if it be, the different explanations put upon the navigation laws in Great Britain and Ireland, at this day, furnish a striking one. On the Second. The fecond declares that a full participation of commercial advantages fhould be fecured to Ireland, &c. But the whole tenor of the Refolution goes to fecure the commerce and manufactures of Britain at the expence of thofe of Ireland, as will fully appear on an impartial confideration of the whole of thofe Propofitions. On the Third. The third Propofition equally affecting both kingdoms, (except in regard to the trade from all countries between the Cape of Good Hope, and the Streights of Magellan,) feems not objectionable on any other account than the prohibition of importations from thofe countries, which will be more properly confidered under the ninth Propofition than the prefent ore. On the Fourth. The fourth Propofition evidently cuts up by the root the independence of the Irish legislature, and reduces it to the degraded ftate of an inferior affembly, held only for form's fake, merely to regifter the edicts of a fuperior affembly, without the power of altering a fingle iota; of courfe without the power of difcufling or examining whether fuch edicts may in their operation prove ufeful or injurious to this country; and though it is provided, that the edicts, thus to be registered, muft confer the fame benefits, and impofe the fame reftraints on the tub If it should be alledged, as has been done in the British Houle, that the dignity and independence of the Irish legiflature is preferved by this falvo, that the British laws are to be in force in Ireland, only in confequence of their being enacted by its own parliament, the affertion is denied ; for, it is of no importance whether they be in force by authority of the Irish or of the British parliament, whilst the former, without participating in or confenting to the original formation of the laws, are chained down by this inviolable compact to copy them word for word, howover much they may difapprove of them. Blmd and ftupid in the extreme must that man be, who fays it is not by the will of another, but by his own act that he be comes bound by an obligation, where that obligation is framed and drawn up by the other without his confent, and he is obliged, be it what it may, to subscribe his name, and affix his feal to it. On the Fifth. The fifth Propofition goes a step farther. The fourth having placed the necks of the Irish parliament under the feet of the British in respect to external legiflation, the fifth robs them of what has ever been deemed the moft important privilege of parliament, and the palladium of the liberties of the people; the power over the public purfe. For, by this internal Propofition, Ireland becomes fubject to be taxed by the British parliament at their own difcretion, in every article of the growth, product, or manufacture of America, the Weft Indies, and Africa, even from the United States of America (fee the 16th Prepofition). Should thofe Propofitions become law, it were as well at once to fubmit to our parliament being annihilated altogether, and let the British parliament legiflate at once both internally and externally for Ireland, as to have the form and trouble of re-enacting laws which can neither be refufed, amended, or al tered. On the Sixth. The fixth Propofition equally equally affecting both kingdoms, and appearing only a regulation to prevent Imuggling, does not, on the first face of it, feem objectionable; to say that it is not fo, we would require to be acquainted with the whole detail of the custom houfe bufinefs in the coast trade of Great Britain; we can therefore only fay that we do not fee any objection to it at prefent. On the Seventh. The feventh Propofition feems no other way objectionable than as it ftamps upon Ireland another mark of degradation and inferiority, and recognizes the fupremacy of the British parliament, in as much as it not only requires fuch documents to be fent from Ireland as are now required with colonial produce, on the direct importation to Britain, but also that all fuch documents must be fent as fhall hereafter be required by British laws. If Ireland be a free, fovereign, independent nation, why fhould not the fo much talked of reciprocity take place here? Why should not Britain alfo fend the fame documents to Ireland with the fame goods? If the intention be to guard the revenue, why should not that of Ireland be equally taken care of? Or are the Irish merchants more addicted to fmuggling than thofe of Britain, that it becomes neceffary to establish a check upon the one, against paffing foreign for plantation produce, that is not deemed needful for the other? On the Eighth. The eighth Propofition feems to be no more than a repetition of part of that British act of parliament whereby the ports of the British colonies were opened to Ireland, and alfo those of the British fettlements on the coaft of Africa, conditioned that goods exported from Ireland to thofe places fhould not go lefs incumbered with duties than the fame goods fent from Britain. Here feems nothing inconfiftent with the dignity of Ireland as an independent nation, if thofe fettlements and colonies are admitted to belong to Great-Britain, for any nation in opening the ports of her fettlements to us has a right to fy your goods must be loaded with fuch taxes either at home, or upon importation in our fettlements, as will make them not lefs burthenfome by taxes than our own goods fent to the fame muket On the ninth. The ninth propofition, is in the highest degree, arbitrary, unjutt, and humiliating to Ireland. It carries on its face the strongest marks of that reftrainVOL. IX. MAG. JULY; 1785. ing and monopolizing fpirit, which has ever actuated Great Britain towards this infulted kingdom. It cuts off at once our trade with all countries lying beyond the Cape of Good Hope, as far as the Streights of Magellan. This interdicted space, comprehends no less than 270 degrees of longitude: and as no latitude is afcertained, it may in the most extended fenfe of the words, be fuppofed to include no less a portion, than three fourths of the whole terraqueous globe :-but without difcuffing it, in this extended fenfe, (in which however, it is poffible Britain might one day, chufe to underftand it) there cannot be a doubt of its being intended to prevent our trade with all countries lying in or bordering on the Indian Ocean, the Eaftern Ocean, the Pacific Ocean, and the Great South Sea.-Whatever pretenfions Britain might have to say, you fhall not trade with our fettlements in the Eaft-Indies, the furely can have none to forbid our trade with China, or any other kindom empire, or country, over which the neither has nor claims dominion: but by this propofition, we must not only, not trade with thofe countries, but we must not import their produce from any country, except from Great Britain. Great Britain then regulates our trade, with all the world, in a manner moft advantageous to herself. If this be fubmitted to, Ireland will indeed be reduced to the ftate of a petty province, dependent in every fenfe, on Britain. But this is called a treaty, a compact; and in return for thofe trifling reftraints; the following mighty boons are offered: the dutics retained in Britain on the produce of thofe countries fent to Ireland, are to be remitted here, and placed to the Irish revenue: and the fhips failing from London for the fe countries, may if they pleafe, call in Ireland, and take fome of our manufactures --they will fcarcely come fo far out of their road, but if they did, it would only be to take in their provifions for the voyage. which otherwise they would have had fent to London, at an addition of freight, infurance, &c. for they cannot do without them;-and for the duties to be remitted, would it not be much better for us to import. the goods from the place of their growth, or any other court y, whence they would come infinitely cheaper, and levy our own revenue ourfe'ves? The proponition stamps another indelible mark of degradation and inferiority on Ireland;-the prohib tions contained in it, are to last so long as the British parliament fhall think it adviseable to continue the Eaft-India Company's charter; and even when that fhall be fuffered to expire, then the produce of thofe countries must be imported into Ireland only from fuch places as the British parliament fhall think fit to allow, because they are to be imported only from fuch places as they may be importable from to Great Britain. This propofition begins by declaring that it is effential to the general commercial interefts of the empire, that thofe regulations fhould take place;-the affertion is not founded; for, the reverfe is the fact.---To the commercial interefts of the Eaft-India Company of Britain, it is indeed effential to preferve fuch ample confumers, as the people of Ireland; and to Britain it is effential, as drawing a large revenue from that Company; and employing her fhips and men, as well as her manufactures in the trade---but to no other part of the empire is it useful, and to Ireland it is highly injurious, as well as arbitary and unjust. On the tenth. The tenth propofition involves matter which will require much information, and a great deal of deliberation before it can be thoroughly underftood. If all the qualified prohibitions here alluded to, were the fame in both kingdoms, we could the better fee through them; but to decide on this propofition, the whole of the British ftatures relating to the importation of the growth, product, and manufacture of Ireland must be examined, as well as those of Ireland relat ing to the importation of British produce and manufactures ;---for by this prohibition, every fuch qualified prohibition, at prefent exifting in Britain, is ever to continue,--and they are probably numerous, whilft Ireland can only avail herfelf of fuch as the has at prefent exifting; and we apprehend they will be found but very few--The duties on all articles the growth, &c. of either kingdom being precifely the fame in both, would be fair and equal were Britain and Ireland on a footing of equality in refpect to their manufactures and their capitals,---but the difference in both kingdoms being fo great in favour of Britain, this part of the propofition is altogether againft Ireland.--And, With respect to the eleventh propofi tion, the fame may be repeated; what are we benefited by the prohibition duties of Britain being reduced to a par with thofe trifling duties payable here, under which Britain has fo long fupplied our markets with her manufactures, and drained this kingdom of its wealth, whilft thousands of manufacturers were perifhing for want? Will that reduction of British duties enable us to fend to Britain articles with which the now underfells us in our own markets? Surely no, and left it fhould poffibly do so in one article one hundred years hence, care is taken to guard even that by a provision that the duty fhall not be less than 10 and one fourth per cent. thereupon. This is a wretched fuccedaneum for protecting duties on the manufactures, and the fupplying of Ireland with them will fill he as much as ever: and entails on Ireland every difcouragement to progreffive perfection in her manufactures under which the has hitherto laboured: for to talk in getting forward in our manufactures from an export trade, whilft our home confumption is fupplied by another kingdom, may amufe idle fpeculators, but will ever be found in the event ridiculous and abfurd. By protecting duties, British manufactures arofe to their prefent ftate of perfection, and nothing but the fame means will ever produce a fimilar effect in Ireland. The Twelfth feems fair, but it is of fo extenfive a nature in its poffible operations as renders it needful for us to take time to confider it before we can pretend to give an opinion upon it. The Thirteenth propofition is fuffici ently noticed in our remarks on the eleventh; it is an eternal bar to protecting duties and the want of protecting duties must be an eternal bar to our ever getting forward in any manufacture wherein British fuperiority now enables them to rival us in our own markets. The Fourteenth is like the reft, in tote, favourable to Britain, and ruinous to Ireland, except fo far as relates to grain no new prohibition or additional duty must be impofed hereafter on any article of native growth, product or manufacture, exported from either kingdom to the other but all the prefent duties and prohibitions must remain.-Surely, becaufe there is no one article of the growth, product, or manufacture of Ireland which can be useful to the British manufacturer, the exportation of which is prohibited to Britain, and very few of them pay an export duty of any value: whereas almost every article, the growth, product, or manufacture of Britain which could be of any fervice to Ireland in her manufactures, has long been either abfolutely prohibited, or burthened with fuch an heavy export duty as to amount it effect to a prohibition. We know that thole things are fo in general, we know them to be fo in many inftances, but to point out all the inftances, would require more time for inquiry than the remainder of this feffion of Parliament will allow. The Fifteenth propofition we do not clearly understand in all its parts, and fhall therefore at prefent take no further notice of it than just to remark, that the British breweries and diftilleries must be encouraged by bounties on export of their produce; but poor Ireland must not grant any bounties on their exportation, (where made in the whole or in part from any material imported from British colo. nies or fettlements, or from the Eaft Indies) unlefs fuch bounties as Britain, now arrived at the highest stage of perfection, chuses to allow on an export of her manufactures of the fame kind.-Some reafon might be alledged for this reftriction on export to British plantations or fettlements; but what has Britain to do with, whether we shall grant bounties or not on exportations? And if we are well informed, Britain herself, in the infancy of many of her manufactures, granted bounties which, now that they are arrived at maturity, the has thought proper to difcontinue. Tying us up from following fo laudable on example, is a part of that regular and invariable fyftem, fo long enforced, of doing every thing to prevent the manufactures of Ireland get ting forward, which an over-bearing and monopolizing fpirit can invent. The operations of the first part of the fixteenth propofition are too extended and various for us to pretend at prefent to fathom them; though we cannot pretend to fay how far, or in what inftances, they will benefit or injure either country, till much time and inquiry may give us the informations we want. Yet we can fee that thofe operations may prove in their confequences of very great importance, and may moft materially affect one or other, perhaps both the kingdoms. They ought therefore to be well digefted and inquired into before any ftep is taken towards giving them effect. The latter part of the fame propofition is very clear: it is another inftance wherein the British Parliament would graciously condefcend to cafe their legiflature of the trouble and anxiety, and the people of Ireland from the trouble of humbly remonftrating against fuch taxes as might to them appear improper or injurious. B 2 *The Seventeenth; we can have no objection to the protection of British au thors and Bookfellors; and it is kind to recommend to our Parliament the Pro tection of Irish-but as we do not greatly abound in authors, we would rather fee our manufactures protected, The Eighteenth we cannot fee why patents granted for new inventions in Britain, fhould be in force in Ireland-or vice verfa, they may as well be in force in Ruffia-The patentee will enjoy fufficient recompence by his patent taking in that kingdom of which he is a subject.And as Britain produces, perhaps, twenty new inventions for which patents are granted, where Ireland produces one, this propofition, like the reft, is all in favour of Britain. The Nineteenth we see no objection The Twentieth; how far an independant nation can be faid to preferve its dignity when it fubmits to pay another nation, and that by irrevocable compact, for ever and for ever, for protection or for liberty to trade, and whether the payment here alluded to is to be confidered as a tribute from an inferior to a fuperior nation, we must leave to more knowing politicians to determine; but we will venture to fay, that however it may be ranked, it is payment for which no value is offered, or no equivalant held forth, unlefs cramping and reftraining our manufactures, "cifcumfcibing and prohibiting our commerce, fubjecting us to British laws and British taxation, reducing our free kingdom to the ftate of a dependant province, and our independent legiflature to an empty cypher, and entailing eternal poverty on the people of Ireland-be fuch value or equi * The two following refolutions were not contained in the copy inferted in our Magazine for May. See page 230. XVII. That it is expedient that measures should be taken to prevent difputes, touching the exercife of the right of the inhabitants of each kingdom to th on the coaft of any part of the British dominions," XIX. "That it is expedient that regulatious fhould be adapted with refpect to patents to be hereafter granted for the encouragement of new inventions, fo that the rights, privileges and restrictions thereon granted and contained, fhall be of equal duration and force throughout Great Britain and Ireland." valent |