taining that the special difficulties of these schools afford a special claim for exceptional measures in their favour. I highly approve, therefore, and should think very practicable, measures similar to those proposed by one of the oldest and most experienced of her Majesty's Inspectors of Schools, the Rev. E. D. Tinling, and by one of the most efficient and practised Assistant Inspectors under the Duke of Newcastle's commission, the Rev. James Fraser, as embodied in their reports.*

Schemes founded on an attempted union of managers and of parish schools are exposed to the fatal objections embodied in the report of the Duke of Newcastle's Commission, p. 290-1, and mainly founded upon the testimony of Mr. Lingen. It seems, further, to be the general opinion of practical men (see evidence before House of Commons committee), that the particular minute embodying Miss B. Coutts' scheme is hedged about with such conditions that as a matter of fact it cannot be worked, and will remain a dead letter. I do not enter into the vexata quæstio of whether under a system of examination by results, teachers should be required to possess a government certificate. I take it for granted that in some shape or form such a certificate will continue to be required. I suppose also that it will be generally granted that if a certificate can be made reasonably attainable by all, it must be beneficial to a school. Taking this for granted, my first proposal would be to lower the certificate and the examination needed for it, to the average attainments and requirements of the teachers of our rural schools. Let there be at least two separate examinations;

Extract from the Report of the Rev. E. D. Tinling for 1865, pp. 332-3 :"I have also one other suggestion to make to your lordships respecting the very poor parishes of my district, viz., as to the advisability of granting to such poor parishes a small sum of money for a period of three years, not exceeding £15 per annum, upon a special report of Her Majesty's Inspector, and subject to the following conditions:-1. That the school managers provide themselves with a certificated or registered teacher within twelve months from the date of inspection. 2. That additional local contributions be raised equal in amount to the special grant. And 3. That the grant be forfeited unless the above provisions be complied with."

Extract from Report of the Rev. James Fraser :-" There are said to be about 12,000 parishes in England and Wales. Of these, it is probable that there are 4,000, or about one-third of the whole, which belong to the class denominated 'small parishes,' with a population under 400, and where the maintenance of a school in a state of efficiency is a matter of considerable difficulty. The effect which an additional outlay of 101. or 15l. a year, properly distributed, could have upon the condition of the school in such parishes is incalculable. It would raise many of them at once from a state of inefficiency to one, at least, of usefulness. The defects under which the schools in such parishes generally labour are chiefly two: the salary is insufficient to secure the services of a competent teacher, and there is an inadequacy of teaching power. Each of these defects might, I think, to a great extent be removed, and a vastly superior quality of education offered to about 150,000 children, at a cost to the country, supposing the money to flow from the present central source of aid, of 40,000l., or at the outside 60,000l. a year; the lower estimate resting on the supposition of an augmentation of the schools' funds in each of the 4,000 parishes by 107., the higher by 157. a year."

let the lower examination and certificate be all that is required for teachers of schools for parishes not having a population exceeding say either 700, 600, or 500. Let the present certificate be required to qualify teachers for schools of the larger type for government grant.

Admit the schools of the smaller type on their obtaining teachers for the lower certificate. Further, let all teachers of existing small schools, of whatever age or training, be allowed and encouraged to offer themselves without delay for this lower certificate. Let the examination be held for different neighbourhoods by Her Majesty's inspectors on the same day and in much the same way as that at present held for pupil teachers. Above all, let the examination only last for one day, and let not the candidates be frightened by its being held at a training institution.

By this means, a very large number of our teachers of small rural schools would be put in the way of qualifying themselves and their schools to receive government aid.

The next question that occurs is, how are we to deal with the case of the large number of additional schools (probably eventually some thousands) which would apply to be examined in order to avail themselves of the assistance offered under the revised code.

For the purpose now proposed, there is little doubt all might be systematically provided through the influence of the respective bishops with inspectors.

If need be, let time and trouble also be saved by arranging that the children going up for the several standards should meet at some central school in one or more divisions of the inspector's district.

The standards are so simple that there can be no fear of much variation in the verdicts of the different inspectors. Of course the great object for which diocesan inspection mainly exists, the inspection in the bishop's name, and for his satisfaction as chief pastor, of the religious education of the children, would be carried on along with the examination in the "three R's," according to "the standards." This would be in strict harmony with what are still happily Her Majesty's instructions to her inspectors of Church of England schools.

I indulge the hope that we may yet see the State cheerfully, and in a liberal and thankful spirit, availing itself of the large store of gratuitous aid that may thus be provided by those who on the highest motives will grudge no pains for the sake of Christ's little ones. On the other hand I trust, as I believe, that the clergy, at the call of their bishops, and with due provision for their independence as inspectors, would furnish a supply for "this blessed and cheap defence of nations," against the evils flowing even in rural districts from an untaught and godless population.

313

NEGLECTED CHILDREN.

Our neglected and destitute children. Are they to be educated? By MARY CARPENTER.

THE

THE importance of directing public attention to the various educational agencies which are in operation in our country, cannot be too highly estimated, and has engaged the warm and earnest consideration of this Section from the very commencement of this Association. Even those educational institutions which had obtained the highest prestige, and which were supposed to be the most securely fenced round-the most strongly guarded by universal good opinion our great public schools, which have fostered the opening talents and stimulated the rising genius of our most celebrated men —even these have been closely scrutinised, and the revelations of the Public School Commission were discussed by this Section at our last meeting with an anxiety which showed a general opinion of the importance of the subject. The desire of the council of this Association to obtain a similar commission to inquire into the condition of smaller grammar schools and of middle-class education generally, as well as the attention which this last is exciting throughout the country, indicates not less clearly the growing attention which is paid to the education of those who will form the next generation. Descending to a lower grade of society, the distribution of the educational parliamentary grant to the British and National Schools has been the subject of warm and earnest discussion and the applicability of the provision made under the present Code to the wants experienced by them, has been anxiously considered. The highest and most experienced minds in our country have been summoned to the discussion of these various subjects.

All the schools now adverted to have been intended for the children of persons who can more or less help themselves, and most of whom can take a share in the management of the schools. All these, from the legislator to the labouring man, have it in their power, more or less, to secure for their children, by their own personal effort, such education as they deem suitable for their position in life. It is true that several of these schools are endowed, and that a free education is thus granted to many children among these various classes ;-this gratuitous character of the education is not considered to degrade the recipients, and all may be classed together in our present consideration. Now, we would ask, why does the enlightened portion of society so zealously occupy itself with the educational wants of these different classes? It is not that they cannot help themselves. We know that excellent schools are established by working men, and steadily supported by them, though they thankfully accept the pecuniary and intellectual aid afforded to

them by those in a higher rank. The middle classes surely ought to be able to judge of their own wants, and pay their money solely for an education which is really good. Without a doubt the educated gentry and nobility of our country are fully competent, without extraneous aid, to regulate the education of their scns and of their daughters, and none need interfere in their concerns. And yet all these commissions, these committees, these anxious discussions-why do we continually hear of them? Why is there a constant extension of our inquiries Why does one commission lead on to another, and why do we never feel satisfied as long as gentlemen's sons are only half educated, and their daughters are debarred from university distinctions? Why do we trouble ourselves so much because schools for the middle classes are extremely inefficient, and do not teach the rising generation what their parents ought to wish them to acquire, but do not insist upon, through indifference or ignorance? Why do we make so much effort to give the rudiments of a sound and useful education to those who are to form our working population some ten years hence, though without it their fathers have built our houses, made our roads, and furnished nerve and sinew to our country wherever their services have been required? It is because we, as a country, are emerging from the narrow and selfish condition which made education a class privilege, which led even a prelate of the established Church, some half century ago, to inquire, when asked to subscribe to a public juvenile library, what good a library for lads could do? and which made employers of labour prefer to keep their workmen in ignorance. A sound and enlightened education is now acknowledged to be as important to the welfare of society in general as it is to that of the individual. As the world progresses, and class after class is moving on to take a share in the government of the country-as the masses become influential in united strength, and make themselves felt to be members of the community, and important members of it-so all enlightened persons feel it to be of the highest importance that the intellectual and moral powers of those constituting the masses should be wisely developed, and that those who are blessed with superior advantages should lend them, for the public good, to this great work. It is a great work, and we honour those who are helping it forward. It is our own personal work as members of a community, and we devote ourselves to it with zeal.

But the most important parts of our educational efforts are as yet left unaccomplished. We have been helping those who can help themselves, and who are willing to help themselves in this great matter of education of their children. They do so even at the cost of personal privation, because they perceive its inestimable value. We now turn to those who have neither the will nor the power to do so. Are we, on account of the apathy or misconduct of parents, to remain inactive, to stand by unconcerned and see innumerable evils prepared for the next generation as well as for this, through neglect of the children? Shall we, to our own shame, prove by our

actions that we are willing to help the strong and give to those from whom we hope to receive; but that the weak, whom we deem not worthy of our notice, we will leave to perish morally and spiritually? Physically, we dare not let them perish, for it is contrary to the law of the land. But shall we act as if we ignored their higher natures -as if we regarded them as not of us-only fit to be cut out from among us? May this never be said of our country!

Our Government listens, however, to the claims of many of these wretched ones. Some of them are the children of paupers, who, by this very circumstance, are unable to provide themselves with education. The poor-rates are intended to provide this as well as food, and the guardians ought to see that this duty is fulfilled well. But the country regards it as so important that these children of paupers should be educated, and not grow up stultified in mind, prepared to perpetuate a pauper race, that Parliament grants a large annual sum, say 30,000l. per annum, to secure for these children of paupers a good education. Special inspectors are appointed to examine these schools, and to make the grant depend on the excellence of the instruction given. Parliament is right in its estimate of the importance of education to these poor children, who have not sinned themselves in being ignorant ;-it is right in taking upon itself the duty, so important to society, of providing for them that education which they will probably not receive from those who stand in loco parentis to them, the guardians of the poor. Again, the country said, and enlightened legislators saw, not many years ago, that a cruel wrong was being done to the rising generation by employing their undeveloped powers in close labour, thus crippling their intellectual faculties, and preventing the possibility of their obtaining even the rudiments of knowledge. The injustice thus inflicted on the factory children was acknowledged by the Government, and the Factory Act appointed for them a half-time system-probably the most valuable kind of education that can be given-with enactments which effectually secured to them good and sufficient instruction. But this Act does not reach numbers of children in our country whose parents wickedly allow their immature minds and bodies to be cruelly sacrificed, almost in infancy, to the desire for lucre ;they think that the children are their own, and that they may do what they will with their own. The country looked with horror on this wicked assumption, and asserted the right of the young child to grow up in freedom from bondage, even that of parents. A Royal Commission was appointed to investigate these abuses; its report revealed horrors little imagined in these days of civilisation and Christianity, and the public is preparing to secure, by legislation, for every working child in the kingdom, immunity from such bondage, and the same rights in all other factories as are recognised in the cotton factories.

The country does not stop here in its care for the rising generation, the children of this age, who are to be the men of the next. Some have become transgressors of the law even in early years.