Opening Address BY THE RIGHT HON. LORD BROUGHAM, PRESIDENT OF THE ASSOCIATION. NCE more I have the satisfaction of meeting my old Yorkshire constituents, and of reflecting on the most prized distinction of my life-the representation of this great county the last time it chose its members undivided and entire. This is now our ninth Congress, and we have, as is our usual lot, to lament the losses which we, the country, and the world at large, have sustained since we met at York. First to be named is Richard Cobden, of whose great services not England only, but France also, has been witness, and felt justly grateful. We may also dwell on the removal of one far less famous, but to whom the promoters of Social Science felt their gratitude especially due as among the greatest helps to the diffusion of knowledge on all subjects, secular and religious-John Cassell, whose circulation of useful works at the lowest price, to which he devoted his life, was prodigious. Of the illustrated Bible above 60,000,000 were sold in weekly numbers, making the poor man's cottage, as he boasted, a school of instruction. But, happily, his surviving partners, Petter and Galpin, pursue the same course in which they were his able and zealous associates. Nor is it. possible in this country to forget the heavy loss which at our last Congress we had hoped to escape, but which soon after befell us, of Lord Carlisle, than whom a more virtuous person, or in all his positions one more useful, did not exist. On these losses we may use the touching words in which the Royal Psalmist poured out his sorrow" We shall go to them, although they shall not return to us." (2 Samuel, xii. 25.) There is, however, much upon which to congratulate the Association since our last Congress, both on our labours and on the course of events. And as we then expressed satisfaction at the calming down of party spirit, both in Parliament and in the country, we can now still more fully give vent to the same feelings, not only from the stillness in high quarters, but because the general election has taken place, and cer B tainly has evinced a more entire absence of party and personal animosity than marks our history since the period of the Revolution. By this calm the pursuits that are dear to us are greatly benefited, and are likely further to profit by its continuance. Even where the public tranquillity has been slightly ruffled, the great cause of social progress has made considerable gains. The loss of some valuable members to Parliament, of which the greatest are those of Mr. George Denman and Mr. Adam Black, has been compensated by the election of men only known for their able treatment of philosophical questions, like our colleagues Professor Fawcett and Mr. Stuart Mill, or our distinguished Vice-President of the Jurisprudence Department, Mr. Forsyth, who unites to his forensic talents a foremost place among the most accomplished scholars of the age. In reckoning our gains at the late elections, it is highly satisfactory to reflect on the considerable diminution of bribery and corruption. Of this there can be little doubt; but still there remained enough to justify all friends of public morals, and indeed of our national character, in desiring more effectual means to be taken for the extinction of practices so disgraceful. Last year the measures which would have proved effectual for this purpose, sending those convicted to the treadmill, and requiring a solemn declaration from every member on taking his seat, that he had no knowledge or suspicion of any such practices having been pursued at his expense, were stopped on the ground that the dissolution had been postponed, and this year, on the eve of an immediate general election, those measures were again withheld, while Sir Fitzroy Kelly's Bill, enabling parties charged with any offence to tender their evidence, undergoing cross-examination, met with such a treatment in the Commons, that he could not press it to a division. It is not to be told what censure falls upon the English. people in foreign countries when the enormous sums spent at our elections are mentioned, and that expenditure is truly disgraceful which may still be incurred without any corruption. The cost of returning Mr. Stuart Mill for Westminster exceeded £1,500 for ten days. The expenses of candidates in some cases amounted to £300 or £400 a day, whilst the dissolution was impending, and as much as £17,000 was positively stated to have been paid by a candidate for Yorkshire, some years ago, in preparing for a contest which never took place. Sir F. Kelly's Act, appointing election auditors, had not then passed. It is far from sufficient to prevent all expense, yet if adequately enforced it would have stopped much of the absurd practices which in too many cases are a mere cloak for bribery. The ex The late elections and the aspect of the returns as regards the Liberal party, lead us naturally to think of the prospect held out of a further extension of the franchise to the working classes. The alarm felt or affected of their overwhelming the rest of the community is probably groundless, although all our friends must desire any change to be effected gradually, and under the guidance of experience. pediency of giving votes to one class really can admit of no doubt the class of skilful workmen, who are in fact more. independent of their employers than these are of them. Why should not all who receive at any time a certain amount of wages, be registered as voters once and for ever? The ccrtificate of the employer would be a test of the workman's respectability, and that would continue, whatever might be his subsequent employment. The expediency of giving non-voters some share in the elections was considered at York, and there seemed no sufficient objection to allowing the show of hands some weight, by requiring whoever had it not, to exceed those who had it by a certain proportion at the poll. The proposal of Professor Leoni Levi well deserves the attention of those who are still for the ballot-that the votes should be given in writing, signed by the voter in his own hand, so as to secure a certain amount of education. Those who treat of Reform prospects and projects are but imperfectly acquainted with the history of the great Reform of 1832 in its earlier stages, and would find there had been much more extensive changes then, not only contemplated but which met with acceptance. Of the proverbial inaccuracy of contemporary history there is a remarkable instance where it could be least expected, in Lord Russell's late preface to his new edition of the "Essay on the Constitution." The subject is the Reform of 1832, and all mention is suppressed of the great meeting of the Opposition at Lord Althorpe's chambers to consider the plan of which I had given notice, and which was to have been brought forward two days after, had not the change of administration occurred to prevent it. There were present at the meeting many persons either owners of close boroughs or their connections, as Lord Milton, Mr. Baring, afterwards Lord Ashburton; and beside my statement of the most important parts of the reform afterwards propounded by the new ministry, there was household suffrage propounded in express terms, and though only half the seats for close boroughs were to be taken away, yet a larger number of the great towns were to be enfranchised than the Government Bill afterwards provided for. It must be observed that the late times have shown, even during the heats of the election, no disposition on the B 2 of the people for a reform in their representation. It would be difficult to point out any period since 1832 in which the subject so little engaged the public attention. But that would be no reason against well-considered and moderate changes, and the promoters of Social Science will regard any proposed measure with a view to its effects upon the different classes of the community, and upon the representative part of the legislature, whether that measure is called for by the popular voice or not. To those changes which have been above suggested may possibly be added a new construction of the electoral districts, so as to remove in some degree the extreme irregularity now existing. But this is a matter of great difficulty, and certainly a general equalisation may be pronounced on every account altogether unadvisable. In referring to reform of Parliament, it is impossible to pass over the great expediency, indeed it may be termed the absolute necessity, of some change in the conduct of what is called Private Business or Bills, those Acts not only affecting property of vast amount, but conferring what Lord Langdale used justly to term transcendental powers. This branch of the proceedings is that by which Parliament is chiefly known to the community, and no doubt considerable improvement has of late years been made in the manner of conducting it. But the greatest of all the evils felt has been left unassailed, the necessity of every one particular in each Bill undergoing the same inquiry in both Houses, so as almost to double the expense of all parties. With that great man, whose irreparable loss we daily deplore on all questions, whether of foreign or of domestic policy, whether of peace or of war (it is superfluous to name the Duke of Wellington), it was my lot to co-operate on this subject, having with him brought forward those standing orders which now regulate the private business before both Houses, and which were introduced in a committee of the Lords. When they were to be propounded there my illustrious friend said, "Why not bring forward our great plan?" My answer was, "Because it would be certainly refused by the committee." "Never mind," he said, "we can but be beaten, and then we fall back upon our lesser and ineffectual plan." The great measure was offered, and refused under the influence of professional men, who saw that it would cut off nearly half of their services. It consisted in the appointment of a joint committee-seven commoners and four peers, acting with the assistance of a professional judge or assessor, to help them on questions of law respecting evidence; and the report to be in each House decisive on all matters of fact, but leaving to the House its full discretion upon the whole Bill and all its provisions. This is not the first time that the plan has been mentioned before our Association, and in connection with the great man's name who took such an interest in it, and who, indeed, mainly contributed to its preparation. But it is a sacred duty to his memory that so important a portion of his history should be preserved, and continually held up to the admiration of his grateful countrymen. He unfortunately took an erroneous view of reform in the representation, and he maintained his opinion strongly, being deeply impressed with the belief that the proposed change in the constitution of the lower House would dangerously interfere with the executive government, and that it was too large a measure to be adopted at once. His joining, therefore, in so radical an alteration of the legislative procedure was the more important, and is one, though among the least, of the many proofs that he is to be named among the foremost of our statesmen, as he is at the head of all our warriors. "Statesman and warrior, he lived and died, Where duty placed him, at his country's side; Fixed to prevail, or perish in her cause."-Cowper. Which Cowper must have been inspired to write prophetically, for he died years before the Duke returned from India. It was highly satisfactory at our last Congress to mark the success of the great co-operative movement in the increase of the number of the societies and their resources. That progress has continued, although not at the rate of former years; and as this diminution has partly arisen from the increased rigour of the rules established, and the arrangements enforced with the view to profit, an advantage has been gained; except, perhaps, that too great parsimony has been shown in the payment of those employed. It was, however, impossible that the same rate of increase should continue which had been exhibited in 1860 and 1861, when no less than 250 new societies had been formed. In 1863 there were in all 454, whose sales in the year amounted to £2,626,000, and their profit divided was £213,000. Mr. Pratt's return for the last year (1864) is 505 societies, their sales £2,742,000, and profit was £225,000. The counties of York and Lancaster continue to take the lead, as in the number of 505, Lancaster has no less than 130, and this county 104. One cannot avoid recollecting the saying of a Rochdale tradesman, when a few workmen advanced a little money to establish a store; he said he should be able to carry it all in his wheelbarrow, and now the assets of the societies are returned at £891,000, and their cash |