I am aware of the hue and cry set up, of the ruin of trade, and of the distress of thousands, particularly of the useful mechanic and labourer, and their wives and families, &c. when the pride, and greatness, and splendour of the world is in danger of being brought down; whether by revolutionary principles, or by the more moderate principles of the gospel! As this seems to be the great hinge of the advocates and admirers of "the fine arts," and the prop of the state, on which all turn, and stand, I will dispatch this part of my subject immediately.

You, my dear Friends, will have no objection to this, I think, when I assure you, I desire no other or better hand than your worthy predecessor, William Penn; and who, I think, must be allowed, on all sides, to be a fit and proper judge in this matter. I will give it entire, his "Reflections and Maxims," (the "Fruits of Solitude." Part 2nd, Part 2nd, p. 122-124.) He is speaking of "the interest of the public in our estates," &c. as follows:

"Hardly any thing is given us for ourselves, but the public may claim a share with us. But of all we call ours, we are most accountable to God, and the public, for our estates: in this we are but stewards; and to hoard up all to ourselves, is great injustice, as well as ingratitude.

"If all men were so far tenants to the public, that the superfluities of gain and expense were applied to the exigencies thereof, it would put an end to taxes, leave not a beggar, and make the greatest bank for national trade in Europe.

"It is a judgment upon us, as well as weakness, though we will not see it, to begin at the wrong end.

"If the taxes we give were not to maintain pride, I am sure there would be less, if pride were made a tax to the government.

"I confess I have wondered that so many lawful and useful things are excised by laws, and pride left to reign free over them and the public.

"But, since people are more afraid of the laws of man than of God, because their punishment seems to be nearest, I know not how magistrates can be excused in their suffering such excess with impunity.

"Our noble English patriarchs, as well as patriots, were so sensible of this evil, that they made several excellent laws, commonly called sumptuary, to forbid, at least limit, the pride of the people; and, because the execution of them would be our interest and honour, their neglect must be our just reproach and loss.

"It is but reasonable that the punishment of pride and excess should help to support the government; since it must otherwise inevitably be ruined by them.

"But some say "it ruins trade, and will make the poor burdensome to the public;" but if such trade, in consequence, ruins the kingdom, is it not time to ruin that trade? Is moderation no part of our duty; and is temperance an enemy to the government?

M

"He is a Judas, that will get money by any thing.

"To wink at a trade that effeminates the people, and invades the ancient discipline of the kingdom, is a crime capital, and to be severely punished, instead of being excused by the magistrate.

"Is there no better employment for the poor than luxury? Miserable nation!

"What did they, before they fell into these forbidden methods? Is there not land enough in England to cultivate, and more and better manufactures to be made?

"Have we no room for them in our plantations, about things that may augment trade without luxury?

"In short, let pride pay, and excess be well excised: and if that will not cure the people, it will help to keep the kingdom."

In the "Memoirs of the Prince of Wales," (vol. 3, p. 125-128,) I meet with a few sentiments of that celebrated statesman, Sheridan, though introduced, I believe, with a different motive; yet I cannot help thinking, that if they were reduced to practice, they would go very far to do away many of the unnecessary branches of the arts and sciences. I shall pass over "the fable of the two owls perched on a ruin ;" though, by the way, I might retort on his ***; but shall proceed to the passage in point, viz.

"Some persons had said, that the trappings of

monarchy were of no importance, that virtue was every thing, and they deprecated the assumption of rank and state accordingly. He had no objection to this doctrine, if the system so early established, so invariably maintained, and handed down to us by our ancestors, was proved to be foolish.-But let the rule be general, let not the splendour of one be curtailed, while that of another is extended. If, as a great man in this country (the late Earl of Chatham) had said, 'Every feather of the royal bird aids his flight,' though he should not go to the length that noble Lord did, in saying, ' that when they drooped, or were shed, the bird would fall to the ground;' yet all should be cautiously preserved.

"In order to bring this system home to gentlemen's minds (said he), let it be applied to the house. -Let it be supposed that the Speaker possessed sufficient dignity, and commanded sufficient respect, by those virtues which it was acknowledged he possessed; let the chair be removed, let the other badges be stripped off; let that bauble (the mace) be taken away; let the fine house which was building for him, in which he hoped he would soon entertain the members with his accustomed hospitality and splendour, be demolished; let the state coach be laid down, and instead of proceeding in it to St. James's, attended by a grand procession of members in their private coaches, let him go on foot with the addresses, covered with a warm surtout, and honoured with the privilege of an umbrella, in case of rain. Let the Judges be conducted by no Sheriffs, or Sheriffs' attendants, to the assize towns; let the Chief Justice go down in the mail coach, and the puisne Judges

content themselves with travelling as outside passengers. Let the Lord Mayor, instead of coming to to Westminster Hall in the state barge, accompanied by the several companies in their state barges, let him come in a plain wherry, without any attendants; and instead of going back to feast at Guildhall, with the great officers of state, and foreign ambassadors, let him content himself with stopping on his way back, and taking a beef steak at Dolly's chop-house."

It may not be easy at first, to make all necessary and proper" abridgments," as respects the state and the public; yet truly, the above hath the appearance of humility, if not the advantage of virtue. It hath less parade and pomp; which is a great saving both of money and time to the public. But it may be to the extreme on the other hand. Such are these great men's notions of virtue! Yet, it should seem, with these scientific reasoners

"Virtue" and vice have "boundaries," in these times Not to be pass'd; provided that "the rule be general!"

I will conclude the above with the memorialist's own words, namely, "We have nothing to add to these arguments. The reasoning is so cogent, the humour is so irresistible, that he must be impenetrably dull who does not yield to their force!"

As it is impossible to give an argumentative refutation of the various branches of "the arts and the sciences," in a work of this kind; to say nothing of the sciences of astronomy, philosophy, and the mathematics; though, by the way, I should feel happy