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“ which has attacked the property and peace of “ all individuals ; a danger which Europe has “ strained all its sinews to repel; and which no “nation has repelled so successfully as the Bri“ tish; because no nation has acted so ener“ getically, so sincerely, so uniformly on the “ broad basis of principle; because no other “nation has perceived with equal clearness and “ decision the necessity, not only of combating “ the evil abroad, but of stifling it at home; “ because no nation has breasted with so firm a “ constancy the tide of jacobinical power; be“ cause no nation has pierced with so steadfast “ an eye, through the disguises of jacobinical “hypocrisy; but now, it seems, we are at once " to remit our zeal and our suspicion ; that Jaco“ binism, which alarmed us under the stumbling “ and drunken tyranny of Robespierre; that “ Jacobinism, which insulted and roused us under “ the short-sighted ambition of the five Direc“ tors; that Jacobinism, to which we have sworn “ enmity through every shifting of every bloody “ scene, through all those abhorred mockeries 66 which have profaned the name of liberty to all “ the varieties of usurpation; to this Jacobinism “ we are now to reconcile ourselves, because all “ its arts and all its energies are united under “ one person, the child and the champion of “ Jacobinism, who has been reared in its prin“ ciples, who has fought its battles, who has

VOL. I.

“ systematised its ambition, at once the fiercest “ instrument of its fanaticism, and the gaudiest “puppet of its folly!

“ The honourable gentleman has discovered, “ that the danger of French power and French “ principles is at an end, because they are con“ centred, and because to uniformity of design “ is added an unity of direction; he has disco“ vered that all the objects of French ambition “ are relinquished, because France has sacri“ficed even the appearances of freedom to the “ best means of realising them ; in short that “ now, for the first time, Jacobinism is not to “be dreaded, because now, for the first time, “ it has superadded to itself the compactness “ of despotism. But the honourable gentle“man presses hard, and requires me to be “ definite and explicit. What, says he, do “ you mean by destroying the power of Jaco“ binism? Will you persevere in the war, “ until you have received evidence that it is 6 extinct in this country, extinct in France, “ extinct in the mind of every man? No! I “ am not so shamefully ignorant of the laws " that regulate the soul of man. The mind “ once tainted with Jacobinism can never be “ wholly free from the taint; I know no means “ of purification ; when it does not break out on “ the surface, it still lurks in the vitals; no anti“ dote can approach the subtlety of the venom,

“no length of quarantine secure us against the “ obstinacy of the pestilence.

“Those who are now telling us, that all danger “ from revolutionary principles is now passed “ by, are yet endeavouring to call up again the “ very arguments which they used at the com“mencement of the war, in the youth and ram“ pancy of Jacobinism ; and repeat the same “ language, with which they then attempted to “ lall the nation into security, combined with the “ same acts of popular irritation. They are “ telling us, that ministers disregard peace; that “ they are prodigal of blood ; insensible to the “miseries, and enemies to the liberties of man“ kind; that the extinction of Jacobinism is “ their pretext, but that personal ambition is “ their motive; and that we have squandered “ two hundred millions on an object, unattain“ able were it desirable, and were it not unat“ tainable, yet still to be deprecated. Sir, will “ men be governed by mere words without appli“ cation? This country, Sir, will not. It knows “ that to this war it owes its prosperity, its con“stitution, whatever is fair or useful in public or “ domestic life, the majesty of her laws, the free“ dom of her worship, and the sacredness of our “ firesides. For these it has spent two hundred “ millions, for these it would spend two hundred “ millions more; and, should it be necessary, • Sir, I doubt not that I could find those two

“ hundred millions, and still preserve her re“ sources unimpaired. The only way to make “ it not necessary is to avail ourselves of the “ hearty co-operation of our allies, and to secure “ and invigorate that co-operation by the firm“ ness and vigour of our own conduct. The “ honourable gentleman then comes back upon “ me, and presses me upon the supposed dis“sonance between our views and those of our " allies. But surely there may allowably exist “ in the minds of different men different means “ of arriving at the same security. This dif“ference may, without breaking the ties of “ effective union, exist even in this house; how “ much more then in different kingdoms? The “ Emperor of Russia may have announced the “ restoration of monarchy, as exclusively his “ object. This is not considered as the ultimate “ object by this country, but as the best means “ and most reliable pledge of a higher object, “ viz. our own security, and that of Europe ; “ but we do not confine ourselves to this, as the “ only possible means.

From this shade of difference we are re“ quired to infer the impossibility of cordial co“ operation ! But here the honourable gentle" man falls into a strange contradiction. He " affirms the restoration of monarchy an un“ just object of the war, and refuses expressly “ and repeatedly to vote a single farthing on “ such a ground; and yet the supposed seces*** sion of Russia from the allied powers, the “ secession of that government, whose exclusive “ object is the restoration of monarchy, is ad“ duced by him as another and equal ground for “ his refusal. Had the Emperor of Russia per“severed in directing his utmost forces to the “ attainment of that object, to which Austria “ will not pledge herself, and which the honourable gentleman considers as an unjust object, " then the honourable gentleman would have “ been satisfied. But I will not press too hard “ on the honourable gentleman, or lay an undue “ weight on an inadvertence. I will deal most “ fairly with him if I did believe, which I do not, " that Austria saw no advantages in the restora“tion of monarchy, yet still I would avail myself “ of her efforts, without changing my own ob“ject. Should the security of Britain and Eu“ rope result from the exertions of Austria, or be " aided by her influence, I should think it my “ duty to advise his Majesty to lend the Emperor 6 every financial assistance, however those exer“ tions and that influence might spring from “ principles not in unison with our own.

“ If the honourable gentleman will tell me, " that the object of Austria is to regain the “ Netherlands, and to reconquer all she may “ have lost in Germany and Italy, so far from “ feeling this as a cause of distress, I feel it a “ ground of consolation, as giving us the strong“ est assurance of his sincerity, added to that

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