57 60 57 60 land on the 13th; Philip Schuyler, George Clinton 67 58, Lewis Morris (who arrived in Philadelphia on the 10th) and Robert R. Livingston of New York and James Wilson 5053 of Pennsylvania on the 15th; Jefferson 50 59 of Virginia on June 21st; and Archibald Bullock 60, John Houston and Rev. J. J. Zubly of Georgia on September 13th. New York had elected for the first time also Francis Lewis 50 57 61 On the last day (September 13th) appeared as well George Wythe 50 62, Thomas Nelson, Jr., 50 62 and Francis Lightfoot Lee 50 62 of Virginia who had been elected for the first time following the adjournment of Congress. Following this adjournment, New Hampshire also elected one new Delegate Josiah Bartlett 506; North Carolina also one new Delegate-John Penn 50 65; Connecticut also two new Delegates-Samuel Huntington 50 66 67 and Oliver Wolcott 50 66 67 (together with one new alternate — William Williams 50 66 68); Pennsylvania two new Delegates -Robert Morris 50 69 and Andrew Allen 69; Maryland two new Delegates — Robert Alexander 70 and John Rogers 70; and Virginia one new Delegate. Carter Braxton "1. 71 63 64 Randolph was for the second time elected Presi dent. He served, however, for a few days only. On the 24th of May, as shown by the Journal, "The Congress met according to adjournment, but the honble Peyton Randolph Prest being under a necessity of returning home & having set out this morning early the chair was vacant wherefore on motion, the Honble John Hancock 72 was unanimously chosen President." This Congress, during the year, like the Congress of 1774, took no action whatever upon the question of independence. John Adams writes to his wife, June 11th: "[Ad] I have found this Congress like the last. When we first came together, I found a strong jealousy of us from New England, and the Massachusetts in particular; suspicions entertained of designs of independency; an American Republic; Presbyterian principles, and twenty other things. Our sentiments were heard in Congress with great caution, and seemed to make but little impression; but the longer we sat, the more clearly they saw the necessity of pushing vigorous measures. It has been so now . . . But America is a great unwieldy body. Its progress must be slow . . . Like a coach and six, the swiftest horses must be slackened, and the slowest quickened, that all may keep an even pace." Franklin, in a letter of October 3d, says: "[X] We have as yet resolved only on defensive measures.' The spirit 73 which prevailed in the body is well shown by an incident described by Jefferson in his Autobiography: "[S] mr Dickinson .. still retained the object of reconciliation . . . he was so honest a man, and so able a one that he was greatly indulged even by those who could not feel his scruples . . . Congress gave a signal proof of their indulgence to mr Dickinson, and of their great desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of our body, in permitting him to draw their second petition to the king according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely any amendment, the disgust against it's humility was general; and mr Dickinson's delight at it's passage was the only circumstance which reconciled them to it. the vote being past, altho' further observn on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising and expressing his satisfaction and concluded by saying "there is but one word, mr President, in the paper which I disapprove, & that is the word Congress." on which Ben Harrison rose and said "there is but one word in the paper, mr President, of which I approve, and that is the word Congress [.]"" Indeed, looking backward, many of the words of this Congress seem like anomalies! Especially is this true of the declaration—the most important measure of the year -setting forth the causes of taking up arms. Though, in effect, a declaration of war, it said: "Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellowsubjects in any part of the Empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored." III SEVENTEEN HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-SIX J ANUARY 3, 1776, gave being to the new army at Cambridge. Washington-whose life Robert Morris, six months later, declared "[U] the most valuable in America" - hoisted the Union flag, in compliment to the united Colonies. On the 30th, he writes thence to the President of Congress: "[Y] The clouds thicken fast; where they will burst, I know not; but we should be armed at all points." This was always Washington's appeal. At no time, so far as we know, did he waste his powers, or invite the refusal of his constant and necessary demands upon Congress, by urging upon it or any of its members a declaration of independence. To Joseph Reed, however, Washington, in 1776, openly expressed his opinions. On January 31st, he writes: "[Y] A few more of such flaming arguments, as were exhibited at Falmouth and Norfolk, added to the sound doctrine and unanswerable reasoning contained in the pamphlet Common Sense,'1 will not leave numbers at a loss to decide upon the propriety of a separation"; on February 10th, though his situation, as described by himself, had "[Y] been such, that I have been obliged to use art to conceal it from my own officers":"With respect to myself, I have never entertained an idea of an accommodation, since I heard of the measures, which were adopted in consequence of the Bunker's Hill fight. The King's speech has confirmed the sentiments I entertained upon the news of that affair; and, if every man was of my mind, the ministers of Great Britain should know . . . that, if nothing else could satisfy a tyrant and his diabolical ministry, we are determined to shake off all connexions with a state so unjust and unnatural. This I would tell them, not under covert, but in words as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness"; and, on April 15th: "[Y] I am exceedingly concearned to hear of the divisions and parties, which prevail with you, and in the southern colonies, on the score of independence. These are the shelves we have to avoid or our bark will split and tumble to pieces Nothing but disunion Indeed, William Palfray (evidently) writes from New York to Samuel Adams, May 24th: "[SA] As it may be of some importance to you to know General W's Sentiments respecting the grand point of American independence I think my duty to acquaint you that I have heard him converse several times lately on the Subject, and delivered it as his opinion that a reconciliation with Great Britain is impracticable impolitic, and would be in the highest degree detrimental to the true Interests of America- That when he first took the Command of the Army he abhorr'd the Idea of independence but is now fully convinced nothing else will save us— Two days before the birth of the new army, we find the Assembly of New Hampshire "establishing a form |