in his miraculous power, notwithstanding the improper manner, in which he had been induced to folicit in; as if fuch healing virtue could have been produced in, or elicited from Chrift, either magically or mechanically, and without his knowledge, Vid. Cleric. et Grot. in loc. and comp. A&s v. 15. where the common people entertain a like opinion of St. Peter's fhadow. Loca, quæ aut inter fe, aut veritati nobis repugnare videntur, commodè plerumque conciliari poffunt, fi dicamus, fcriptorem facrum non fuam fententiam ubique expreffiffe, et dixiffe quid res fit, fed aliquandò ex fententiâ aliorum, aut ex vulgi opinione, &c. Wetften, N. T. v. ii p. 877. This rule of interpretation may be applied to many other; points befides thofe mentioned by that author. The fame obfervation has been made on the vulgar notion of poffeffions by devils, fo very prevalent among the Jews about the time of Chrift; where he really cures each disorder without controverting their opinions on the fubject (which would have been end lefs, and answered no good purpof) but rather allows and argues from them occafionally, ad homines; cafts out those devils, as the Jews themfelves frequently attempted to do, and is faid to rebuke them, Mark i. 25. in the fame manner, as he rebukes a fever, Luke iv. 19. or the winds and sea, Matth. viii, 26. On the fame principle alfo feveral parables feem to be founded, as that of the rich man and Lazarus, that of unclean Spirits walking through dry, or defert, piaces; and numbers of them entering into one man, and dwelling there *.”

Mr. Farmer concludes his enquiry with fome remarks on the inconveniencies attending the common explication of the gospel demoniacs, and the advantages, which refult from the account given of them in this Effay.

The common explication, he obferves, gives occafion to numberless fuperftitions; particularly to thofe fhameless impoftures, the poffeffions and exorcifms of the Roman church; and thus difcredits the wonderful cures performed by Christ upon demoniacs, and brings difgrace upon the Christian name. Secondly, the doctrine of real poffeffions destroys the authority of miracles in general, and the ufe which the fcripture makes of them, as in themfelves authentic evidences of a divine miffion. For if demons can unite themselves to a human body, fo as to govern all the organs of it, they rival the glory and power of God; they utterly deftroy the authority and true ufe of miracles, and thereby fubvert the foundation on which Chriftianity is built.

Confiderations on the Theory of Religion, Append. p. 416,

ed. 1774.

We

We have now laid before our readers a general sketch of this valuable work, from which they may form a competent idea of the author's hypothefis.

There is a fimiliarity between the great outlines of this Effay, and thofe of Sykes's Enquiry. But our ingenious author, as we have already intimated, has treated his fubje&t much more copiously and elaborately than either the doctor, or any other of his predeceffors.

We fincerely think, that his work will be of eminent service to the cause of facred literature and christianity.

It is, indeed, the duty of chriftian divines to fearch the Scriptures; to place them in their natural and clearest light; to explode received opinions, if groundlefs, with impartiality and freedom; and to maintain the truth with intrepidity. Idle and fuperftitious notions, mixt with genuine chriftianity, can be of no fervice to the gospel of Chrift; but will render it contemptible to unbelievers, who have eyes to fee and hands to expofe our weakness.

IV. Taxation no Tyranny; an Answer to the Refolutions and Addrefs of the American Congrefi. 890. 11. 6d. Cadell.

FR

ROM the multiplicity of publications refpecting the American affairs, with which we have been pestered for feveral months, we must confefs, that it was with fome reluctance we refumed the fubject; yet we have feldom received greater pleasure in the perufal of any production, than has been afforded us by this pamphlet. Equally rational and ingenious, it strikes at once with the force of argument and the poignancy of ridicule; and the author appears with all the novelty of an original writer, in a controverfy that feemed to be exhaufted.

We have repeatedly obferved, that the moft certain way of deciding this important difpute, would be, to have recourse to the principles of colonization, and the general maxims of government; and we are glad to find that the learned inquirer has profecuted the fubject in this manner. He begins with eftablishing the natural right of taxation to be infeparable from the fupreme power in every political fociety.

In all the parts of human knowledge, fays he, whether ter minating in fcience merely fpeculative, or operating upon life pri vate or civil, are admitted fome fundamental principles, or com mon axioms, which being generally received are little doubted and being little doubted have been rarely proved.

Of these gratuitous and acknowledged truths it is often the fate to become lefs evident by endeavours to explain them, however neceffary fuch endeavours may be made by the misapprehenfions of abfurdity, or the fophiftries of intereft. It is diffi cult to prove the principles of fcience, because notions cannot always be found more intelligible than thofe which are questioned. It is difficult to prove the principles of practice, because they have for the most part not been difcovered by investigation, but obtruded by experience, and the demonftrator will find, af ter an operofe deduction, that he has been trying to make that feen which can be only felt.

Of this kind is the pofition, that "the fupreme power of every community has the right of requiring from all its fubjects fuch contributions as are neceffary to the public fafety or public profperity," which was confidered by all mankind as comprifing the primary and effential condition of all political fociety, till it became difputed by thofe zealots of anarchy, who have denied to the parliament of Britain the right of taxing the Ame rican colonies.'

After recounting the various arguments which have been advanced by the advocates for America, and expofing their weakness in a ftrain of ironical pleafantry, he proceeds to inquire, whether the right claimed by government to tax the colonies, can be reckoned, any violation of the liberty of British fubjects.

This question is of great importance. That the Americans are able to bear taxation is indubitable; that their refufal may be over-ruled is highly próbable: but power is no fufficient evidence of truth. Let us examine our own claim, and the objections of the recufants, with caution proportioned to the event of the decifion, which must convict one part of robbery, or the other of rebellion.

A tax is a payment exacted by authority from part of the community for the benefit of the whole. From whom, and in what proportion fuch payment fhall be required, and to what ufes it fhall be applied, thofe only are to judge to whom government is intrufted. In the British dominion taxes are apportioned, levied, and appropriated by the ftates affembled in parliament.

Of every empire all the fubordinate communities are liable to taxation, because they all fhare the benefits of government, and therefore ought all to furnish their proportion of the expence.

This the Americans have never openly denied. That it is their duty to pay the coft of their own fafety they feem to ad mit; nor do they refufe their contribution to the exigencies, whatever they may be, of the British empire; but they make this participation of the public burden a duty of very uncertain extent, and imperfect obligation, a duty temporary, occafional

and

and elective, of which they referve to themselves the right of fettling the degree, the time, and the duration, of judging when it may be required, and when it has been performed.

They allow to the fupreme power nothing more than the liberty of notifying to them its demands or its neceffities. Of this notification they profefs to think for themselves, how far it fhall influence their counfels, and of the neceffities alleged, how far they fhall endeavour to relieve them. They affume the exclufive power of fettling not only the mode, but the quantity of this payment. They are ready to co-operate with all the other dominions of the king; but they will co operate by no means which they do not like, and at no greater charge than they are willing to bear.

This claim, wild as it may feem, this claim, which fupposes dominion without authority, and fubjects without fubordination, has found among the libertines of policy many clamorous and hardy vindicators. The laws of nature, the rights of humanity, the faith of charters, the danger of liberty, the encroachments of ufurpation, have been thundered in our ears, fometimes by interested faction, and fometimes by honest stupidity.'

He next enters on the confideration of the principles of colonial conftitutions, and examines what rights are loft, or acquired, by thofe that leave their country to fettle in a distant. plantation. On this fundamental point, his obfervations are highly worthy of attention.

Of two modes of migration the hiftory of mankind informs us, and fo far as I can yet difcover, of two only.

In countries where life was yet unadjusted, and policy unformed, it fometimes happened that by the diffenfions of heads of families, by the ambition of daring adventurers, by fome accidental preffure of distress, or by the mere discontent of idlenefs, one part of the community broke off from the reft, and numbers, greater or fmaller, forfook, their habitations, put themfelves under the command of fome favourite of fortune, and with or without the confent of their countrymen or governours, went out to see what better regions they could occupy, and in what place, by conqueft or by treaty, they could gain a habitation.

• Sons of enterprife like thefe, who committed to their own fwords their hopes and their lives, when they left their country, became another nation, with defigns, and profpects, and interefts, of their own. They looked back no more to their former home: they expected no help from thofe whom they had left behind if they conquered, they conquered for themselves; if they were deftroyed, they were not by any other power either lamented or revenged.

Of this kind feem to have been all the migrations of the old world, whether hiftorical or fabulous, and of this kind were

the

the eruptions of thofe nations which from the North invaded the Roman empire, and filled Europe with new fovereignties.

But when, by the gradual admiffion of wifer laws and gentler manners, fociety became more compacted and better regulated, it was found that the power of every people confifted in union, produced by one common intereft, and operating in joint efforts and confiftent counfels.

• From this time independence perceptibly wafted away. No part of the nation was permitted to act for itfelf. All now had the fame enemies and the fame friends; the government protected individuals, and individuals were required to refer their defigns to the profperity of the government.

By this principle it is, that flates are formed and confoli, dated. Every man is taught to confider his own happiness as combined with the publick profperity, and to think himself great and powerful, in proportion to the greatnefs and power of his governors.

Had the western continent been difcovered between the fourth and tenth century, when all the Northern world was in motion; and had navigation been at that time fufficiently advanced to make fo long a paffage eafily practicable, there is lite tle reafon, for doubting but the intumefcence of nations would have found its vent, like all other expanfive violence, where there was leaft refiftance; and that Huns and Vandals, instead of fighting their way to the South of Europe, would have gone by thousands and by myriads under their several chiefs to take poffeffion of regions fmiling with pleafure and waving with fertility, from which the naked inhabitants were unable to repel them.

Every expedition would in thofe days of laxity have produced a diflinct and independent ftate. The Scandavinian he roes might have divided the country among them, and have fpread the feudai fubdivifion of regality from Hudfon's Bay to the Pacifick Ocean.'—

To fecure a conqueft, it was always neceffary to plant a colony, and territorities thus occupied and fettled were rightly confidered as mere extenfions or proceffes of empire; as rami fications through which the circulation of one publick interell communicated with the original fource of dominion, and which were kept flourishing and fpreading by the radical vigour of the mother country.

6

The colonies of England differ no otherwife from those of other nations, than as the English conftitution differs from theirs. All government is ultimately and effentially abfolute, but fubordinate focieties may have more immunities, or individuals greater liberty, as the operations of government are differently conducted. An Englishman in the common course of life and action feels no refraint. An English colony has very liberal powers of regulating its own manners and adjusting its own affairs. But an English individual may by the fupreme au

thority