in publishing. We do not lack works on Switzerland, but we lack valuable ones. It is not sufficient to know the height of Mont Blanc, how long it takes to ascend it, the appearance of the glaciers, the difficulties of travelling, the rarity of the air, the majesty of the Jung-Frau, or the beauty of Lake Leman, which, spiced with a dash or two of the patriotic, form the staple matter of the productions of ten out of fifteen of our Swiss tourists. All this may be very good and proper to retail to an attentive family circle, or to bore a pleasant party with; but we enter a serious protest against its publication. What we want, and what the public want, is information, solid and substantial. Civilized nations are now becoming more united in the bonds of universal brotherhood; every step in science, knits them more firmly together. Out of this arises a desire to know something about each other-not so much the country, the roads, and mountains, as the people, their habits, faith, condition, and resources; and we are glad we have got this desire now in part gratified by a perusal of Dr. Alexander's work. Only in part, we say; for the book is almost confined to the religious condition of Switzerland, and valuable, principally, as a vade mecum on that point, rather than on any other. Its correctness may be relied on, as the whole work bears the stamp of careful personal investigation into facts; every conclusion it comes to, is marked by cautious philosophical research, and a thorough acquaintance with the subject. On this point-the religious condition of Switzerland-we would willingly extract, did not our want of space forbid us. As a short summary of the matter, we may state, that the religious phenomena of Switzerland is divided into Romanism, Infidelity, and Protestantism. The first predominates in some of the cantons, in others mixed, and in some almost unknown. It embraces the larger portion of the population, about 900,000. The Protestants, according to the Doctor, have, in many parts, a leaning towards Neology. In point of education, they are in advance of the Roman Catholics, and characterized by greater intelligence and enterprise; while the latter are better instructed in the rudiments of their religion, and have a sincerer faith in, and reverence for it. The Jesuits, in the face of much opposition, and despite, having been oftener than once expelled the various cantons, are still busily at work, causing "a continual source of disturbance." Their missionaries are dispersed through every quarter of it, endeavouring to promote the party, and accomplish the objects which they never attempted to conceal. These objects, for which they are devoting "vast resources and untiring energies," are "the extirpation of Protestantism, the overthrow of political liberty, and the appropriation, by their order, of the entire work of education." Three years ago, they formed a league, from which sufficient subsequent firebrands have been thrown to keep Switzerland in a state of agitation. They published the great objects which they meant to secure. These are stated

as

"1. The establishment of a bishopric in Saint Gall, in the hope of bringing that canton entirely under ultramontane influence. 2. The overthrow and annihilation of the liberal party in Valais; and, 3. The accomplishment of an old project, the recal of the Jesuits into Lucerne-a project which the league held to be, of all the rest, most important."

A correct idea of the extent to which Infidelity prevails, cannot be easily obtained. Socialism, Neology, and Deism, have a strong hold, in many quarters, on the popular mind; the last, chiefly amongst the more educated classes. It is to be feared, however, from many symptoms, which are daily becoming more fully developed, that the influence of Infidelity is exercised to a very great extent.

Passing from this to the more strictly literary part of the volume, we may remark, that it is written in an easy, graceful style, in which the resources of the scholar and philosopher often are exhibited, and not without many passages both amusing and humorous. As a specimen of the style, take the following:

"The scenery on this road (from Sallenches to Chamonix) is marked by variety. At every ascent and every turn, a new picture is spread before the view-some of them very beautiful, some of them overwhelmingly impressive. Now the road passes through a narrow defile, shut in like a cul-de-sac; now it opens upon the verge of a steep declivity, and displays a wide-spread plain, clothed with verdure and silvered with streams; here, a pine-clad forest shuts in the prospect; there, a bleak and barren rock shoots up its ungracious front; and presently a deep glen comes in view, down which rushes a mountain torrent. At one time, the traveller seems afar from all human dwellings; in an instant, some picturesque chalet starts into view, and the tinkle of bells guides the eye to herds of cows and goats browsing and bounding among the rocks, whilst a moss-covered cross, or a rude image of the virgin and child, announce that superstition reigns amongst these majestic scenes. At length all interest is absorbed in the view of the mountains,—

And amid those

"Alps on alps in clusters swelling!"

"Palaces of nature, whose vast walls
Have pinnacled in clouds their snowy scalps,
And throned eternity in icy halls

Of cold sublimity,"

one feels as if shut in from all commonplace associations and sources of pleasure, and constrained to seek enjoyment in what at once awes and elevates the spirit. "The slow rate at which the traveller necessarily advances along this road, affords abundant facilities to the troops of beggars who frequent it to ply their occupation. A great deal has been said of the annoyance of this, and much harsh language has been lavished upon those by whom it is practised, and the authorities by whom it is tolerated; but for my part, I cannot say that I perceive the justice of this. In the first place, how many of these poor creatures are in circumstances in which they can do nothing but beg-old, infirm, maimed, and idiotic ? and, really, what does God give us a little spare money for, but to help such miserable creatures, that they may live on his earth, and if possible be happy? Then, secondly, I must say this for these Savoyard beggars, that although sufficiently persevering, I never found them rude or insolent; they solicit plaintively, they receive gratefully, and they submit to a refusal, often harshly enough given, without sullenness or murmuring. I found them not lost to a sense of propriety, for when I have said to some of them, 'You see I have given something to that poor creature there, and I can't give to you all,' their reply would be somewhat to this effect:- Ah! oui Monsieur; vous avez raison; mais nous sommes tres miserables, et certainement Monsieur a le bon cœur ;' in which, though of course there was a little cunning flattery, there was at the same time a touch of good sense and politeness, which forbids me to assent to a charge which unceremoniously includes them all in the category of rogues and vagabonds. Once more, it is to be remembered, that a considerable portion of those who surround the travellers do not come as mere beggars, but have something to offer by way of exchange; some bring milk, some spirits, some bouquets of mountain flowers, some wild strawberries, some pebbles, crystals, and bits of ore; and I have yet to learn any reason why these poor creatures should not sell their little articles of traffic for as much as they can persuade the traveller to give for them. In a carriage before ours was a sturdy roundNO. VI. 2 H

and-red-faced Yorkshire cotton-spinner, who, I supposed, had mtde a fortune, and who deemed it behoved him to drive off with frowns and execrations these poor Savoyards, whenever they approached him with their wares. Now, I should like to know how he would relish the application of the same rule to him, when he sends forth his travellers to pester country dealers for orders, or his ships freighted with prints to be exchanged for as much as can be got for them in Africa, India, or China. Free trade is a noble thing when one understands thereby 'the world for all to make of it what they can;' but when it means 'the world for me to make a fortune in, and then me for myself to enjoy it;' bah! there is more morality by far in begging than in that!"

Willingly would we enlarge. We had marked off several other pieces for extract, but find ourselves unable to afford space. To all, we say, buy the book if you can; if not, borrow it. The information it contains is the most valuable we have ever seen given in the same compass; and it possesses, at same time, from the style in which it is written, a fascinating and unflagging interest to readers of all classes.

ΤΟ

ON HER BIRTH-DAY.

ACCEPT, sweet girl, this votive lay,
To friendship's altar due,
With every warmest wish of weal
That heart can breathe for you.

Beauty, with lavish hand, hath shower'd
Her richest boons on thee,-

A form of rarest loveliness

And faultless symmetry.

Oh! ne'er may pain or sorrow blanch
Thy lip of ruby dye,

Ne'er pale thy cheek, or envious dim

Thy bright, bewitching eye:

And may the beauties of thy mind
Shine on, as now they shine;

And love, with all earth's purest joys,

Round thy young heart entwine.

And when, in matron dignity,

You bless a happy hearth,

May the favoured one-thy heart's best choice

Appreciate thy worth.

ARIEL.

HUMANITY VERSUS INDUSTRY.

Ar the present day, when the ten hours factory bill is exciting a considerable share of the public attention, and when many well-meaning people, moved by the plausible pretext of its humanity, are inclined to support it, we would fain see its bearings brought more prominently before our readers, because, in our humble opinion, it more vitally concerns the welfare of the people than is generally supposed.

We will endeavour to explain both the good and the evil of parliamentary interference; and as the best means of doing so, we will first recapitulate the effects of the present existing law.

Its principal measures are-limiting the hours of work to sixty-nine per week, and that only for workers thirteen years old and upwards; mealhours, and holidays, distributed in a particular way; sanatory regulations for white-washing, boxing-in dangerous machinery, &c. Children from nine to thirteen are allowed to be employed six and a-half hours a-day, but under stringent rules as to schooling, &c.

The first visible operation of this act, was to throw totally out of employment the large population between the ages of nine and thirteen, whereby the rules for their education became a dead-letter; and as these children are all of poor parents, and there is no public provision for their education, the humanity of the legislature has consigned them to the idleness and vice of the streets, instead of the industry and order of a factory.

It may be replied, that this vast evil is not the fault of the factory act, because the act does not forbid the employment of children, although it limits the hours of their work; but the rules are so troublesome, and stringent, that they have had the effect of preventing it almost entirely.

We are far from encouraging, or approving, of the employment of children so young in toilsome work; but we desire to point out the insanity of providing a remedy infinitely worse that the evil, and the wickedness of such meddling interference under the plea of humanity.

The factories required inspection much, and the other measures of the act are humane and good; but if the State wished to encourage its labour, by promoting the health of the rising generation, and rescuing it from the degenerating influence of too early toil, it should have extended its paternal hand a little farther, and provided some means for the education and moral training of these children, instead of leaving them to grow up in darkness and crime, a curse to themselvs and a Scourge to society; keeping crowded our hulks and our prisons, and leaving the advance of the people yet one generation longer in arrear.

The sanatory regulations of the act are excellent, so far as they go, and the boxing-in of dangerous machinery is of great importance; still, under the very best regulations, unfortunately, accidents do occur, and we think there should be some better provision for insisting on compensation from the employers. It is true, the act empowers the inspectors to prosecute for the compensation of injured workers; but as it also entails on the inspector all the expenses in case of failure, his zeal in the cause of the suffering is not likely to be greatly stimulated thereby; and it is more customary to hush the matter by some paltry solatium. If a worker is crippled and maimed, and thereby rendered incapable of earning his support, who is so well entitled to accord it, as those in whose service he has suffered? Should society at large be burdened with it? We think not. A man who sets in motion vast and dangerous engines and machines, which are nearly certain to cripple a per centage of his fellow-creatures per annum, takes upon himself great responsibilities; and he should be made to feel that he does so.

Fortunately, among our mill-owners, many are men full of heart and honour, who know their duties, and who do them; and for such, legislative interference were not so necessary; but all are not of this class,

and those who wantonly sport with the lives of their fellows, and heartlessly dismiss those maimed or worn-out in their service, should come within the pale of the law.

Not many weeks ago, a poor girl, employed in a factory in Glasgow, met with an accident which deprived her of one arm entirely, and the use of the other. The compensation given by the employer was five pounds! and this the inspector considered liberal; but what does it amount to? just twenty, or twenty-five weeks' subsistence; and after that what is to become of the poor girl, who has been deprived of all means of earning her bread, and whose crushed limbs, and blighted hopes, they have compensated with such a beggarly pittance? Is a whole life's labour to be valued at twenty weeks' purchase?—the lifelong comfort, happiness, and even subsistence, of a fellow-creature, paid for with five pounds? Heaven protect the poor from such humanity!

There are few factories where there is not plenty of employment suitable enough for those only partially crippled. Even after losing an arm, they may be useful; and we know of works where such are invariably retained in employment, without any reduction of wages; but this unfortunatly is too rare. It is even common enough, when a girl is out ill for a week or two, to fill her place, and refuse to take her back. What is a girl's fate in such a case? having been without wages for weeks, run into debt, and with a doctor's bill to add to her grievances, is refusing to take her back anything short of gross cruelty? Work elsewhere may be difficult to obtain; and thus, hungry and hopeless, what alternative has she but a degraded and precarious existence. Of a truth, if a young girl working in a factory is virtuous or honest, she is more to be honoured for it than those in a far higher station; for what temptations, privations, and contaminations, must she not endure!

In other works which we know, the employers pay a medical man a salary to attend their workers free of charge; besides which, there is a relief-fund for the sick; and thus, by the power of combination, they are enabled to receive four, six, or eight shillings per week, when ill, by paying 1d., 14d., or 2d., per week, when well.

There would be some humanity in a factory bill which promoted, or insisted, on institutions of such benefit.

We come now to the proposed limitation of working time to ten hours; and here again humanity is made the plea, but we find it only the stalking-horse on which the measure is sought to be carried.

We think humanity is on the wrong track, for a workman's time is his capital, and is it likely that robbing him of one-sixth of it will materially promote his comfort? It is replied, "We do not seek to interfere with the labour of grown-up men;" but every one knows that those about a factory cannot well work longer than the engines. They say, too, that "wages will not fall;" if we could think so, then would we too become advocates for the bill; but we suspect that our fears are more prophetic than their hopes.

The immediate effect of the bill must be to enhance the cost of production, for it will take a sixth more capital, machinery, and labour, to produce the same quantity.