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thrown out by a majority of 109 to 57. This decision, though Chap. made the subject of a violent protest in the Lords, and some cxxx"f' inflammatory resolutions of the Commons, was approved of by the public, who began to think that the reports of the secret Committees appointed to inquire into the misconduct of Sir Robert Walpole, disappointed all their expectations by disclosing nothing, because there was little to be discovered, and who were now ready to point all their indignation against those who, having pledged themselves to bring him to the block, were treading in his footsteps.

Lord Hardwicke's importance (as he had expected) rose Lord Hardconsiderably in the new government. The Earl of Wil- Jf^6 * mington, the nominal chief, was a mere cipher. Lord Carteret had great influence, particularly in foreign affairs, but domestic measures were left chiefly to the Chancellor, and he was called upon to defend in debate the treaties that were entered into, and the arrangements which were made for the prosecution of the war and for the defence of the kingdom. The grand object of attack with the Jacobites, Tories, and disappointed Whigs, was the measure of taking 10,000 Hanoverian troops into British pay,—which was so unpopular that many who pretended to be well-wishers to the Protestant succession, joined in the cry of " no Hanoverian King!"

In the spring of 1743 this subject was brought forward in the House of Lords in a very offensive manner by Earl Stanhope (the son of the Minister), who moved an address to the King, praying "that his Majesty, out of compassion to

able, I should more willingly suffer by such a bill passed in my own case than consent to pass it in that of another." A comparison of the two reports, however, will clearly prove that Johnson had either been present at the debate, or had been furnished with very full and accurate notes of the speeches. —12 Pari. Hist. 637-38. 643—711. When Cave was examined at the bar of the House of Lords as to the Reports which appeared in the " Gentleman's Magazine," he certainly lied by representing that he had prepared them himself from his own notes,—with the exception of some speeches sent to him by members. He said "he got into the House and heard them, and made use of a black lead pencil, and only took notes of some remarkable passages, and from his memory he put them together himself." Being asked " Whether he printed no speeches but such as were so put together by himself from his own notes," he answered, M Sometimes he has had speeches sent him by very eminent persons; that he has had speeches sent him by the members themselves." Being asked << If he ever hail any person whom he kept in pay to make speeches for him?" he said "he never had."— 14 Pari. Hist. 60. This seems to have been an attempt to get at Johnson, whom he considered himself bound at all hazards to screen.

CHAP, his English subjects, would exonerate them from those mer

C X X X111.

cenaries who had been taken into pay without the consent of

Lord Hard- parliament." A furious debate was closed with a very able speech'to pleading by the Chancellor, which was much applauded at defend the the time, although it has now nearly lost all its interest, mentor C*ne passage of it might have really called forth the exclaHanoverian mati0n, — "Well done, Colonel Yorke!" In answer to the troops. observation that, under the present administration, the nation was reduced to poverty and had lost all its spirit, he replied: — "If our wealth is diminished, it is time to ruin the commerce of that nation which has driven us from the markets of the Continent,—by sweeping the seas of their ships and by blockading their ports. Our courage is depressed — not by any change in the nature of the inhabitants of this island, but by a long course of inglorious compliance with the demands, and of mean submission to the insults, of other nations. Let us put forth all the strength we can command, and we are secure. The complaint is, that we have the aid of a friendly state. My Lords, we had auxiliaries in our pay at Blenheim and at Ramillies, and by the same means equal victories may still be won." He then, as a lawyer, combated the objection that this arrangement with Hanover should have been the subject of a treaty,—contending that such a mode of proceeding was impracticable: — "It is well known that no power in this kingdom can enter into a treaty with a foreign state except the King, and it is equally certain that with regard to Hanover the same right is limited to the Elector. This proposed treaty, my Lords, is therefore a treaty of the same person with himself—a treaty of which the two counterparts are to receive their ratification from being signed by the same person, and exchanged by being conveyed from his left hand to his right, and reciprocally from his right hand to his left." He insisted that if Hanover had been governed by another Sovereign wholly unconnected with the present royal family of England, the arrangement would have been highly advantageous to English interests, and would have met with general applause. This speech made LordHardwicke ever after a special favourite with George II., who had a high opinion of his own skill in the art of war, and was now burning to eclipse the glories of Marlborough, — cxxxni a wish which he soon after thought he had actually accom

plished at Dettingen,—although the French claimed the June 27. victory, and his undutiful nephew, Frederick of Prussia, re- 174'' presented him as "standing all the day with his drawn sword in his hand, in the attitude of a fencing-master who is about to make a lunge in carte."

The Chancellor, amidst the plaudits bestowed upon his Death of great Hanoverian speech, was this summer in some anxiety wnming-f about ministerial arrangements. The Earl of Wilmington ton. was dying, and Pulteney Earl of Bath, finding too late that he could not have influence without office and patronage, made a vigorous effort to succeed him. Such a proposal was highly alarming to Lord Hardwicke, for their cordiality had been fleeting, and their ancient enmity had lately burst out afresh. He therefore stirred up Henry Pelham, brother of his patron the Duke of Newcastle, to claim the office, although this quiet judicious man, with characteristic timidity, shrunk from the dangerous eminence. He farther prevailed upon the fallen minister, who, in his retreat at Houghton, still had great influence over the royal mind, to back the application. On Wilmington's death, the King, who Aug. 1743. was abroad, sent a despatch announcing his decision in favour of Pelham. Lord Hardwicke was of course asked to con- Mr.Peiham tinue Chancellor. The Duke of Newcastle then wrote to *"?cceeds


him, giving a hint, in a very amusing manner, about his overcaution: "My brother has all the prudence, knowledge, experience, and good intention that I can wish or hope in man; but it will or may be difficult for us to stem alone that which, with your great weight, authority, and character, would not be twice mentioned. Besides, my brother and I may differ in opinion, in which case I am sure yours would determine both. There has been for many years a unity of thought and action between you and me; and if I have ever regretted any thing, it has been (forgive me for saying it) too much caution in the execution, which I have sometimes observed has rather produced than avoided the mischief apprehended."

For many years afterwards Lord Hardwicke held the

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Great Seal as securely as his fee-simple estate at Wimple. All divisions in the Cabinet were obviated by the dismissal of Carteret, become Earl of Granville, the most accomplished, but the most fantastical politician of that age. The opposition was soon after weakened by the death of Lord Hervey and the Duke of Argyle, and by Lord Chesterfield's acceptance of the vice-royalty of Ireland. Horace Walpole considers that from this time the Chancellor was Prime Minister, saying, "When Yorke had left none but his friends in the Ministry, he was easily the most eminent for abilities." *

* "Ten last Years of George II.," 139.



We now approach the rebellion of 1745, with respect to Chap. which we shall find Lord Hardwicke acting an important cxxxiv. part in the measures to suppress it, — in the trial of the ", „.

i-ri l'li <. j • i Rebellion

rebel Lords, — and in the new laws framed to introduce 0fi745. order and subordination into the country in which it originated. On the 15th of February, 1744, he brought down a message from the King, stating that "his Majesty had Message received undoubted intelligence that the eldest son of the ciwn.and Pretender, having arrived in France, was making active address, preparations to invade the* kingdom, in concert with disaffected persons here." Both Houses joined in an address of thanks and assurance of support. This had been drawn by the Lord Chancellor, and concluded in the following eloquent and touching terms: "Loyalty, duty, and affection to your Majesty; concern for ourselves and our posterity; every interest and every motive that can warm or engage the hearts of Britons and Protestants, call upon us on this important occasion to exert our utmost endeavours, that, by the blessing of God, your enemies may be put to conlusion; and we do all sincerely and earnestly assure your Majesty, that we will with zeal and unanimity take the most effectual measures to enable your Majesty to frustrate so desperate and insolent an attempt, and to secure and preserve your royal person and government, and the religion, laws, and liberties of these kingdoms."

However, a general supineness prevailed, and in about ten Sir R. days afterwards a rebuke was administered to the Chancellor (L^or. and his colleagues by the Earl of Orford, who had never before ford's) opened his mouth in the House of Lords. By command the^iouse of his Majesty, they had laid some papers before the House of Lords, containing information on oath of the arrival of Prince Charles

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