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posed abolition were agreed to, English industry would be CHAP.
paralysed, grass would grow in the streets of Manchester, _
and we should become a nation of paupers. Mr. Peel threatened that he would remove, with his capital and his family, to the sister Isle, which was thus to be so highly favoured, at the expence of the mother country. In the House of Lords, these views were zealously supported by Lord Stormont and other Peers. But the resolutions were defended, in a masterly speech, by Lord Camden. He said Lord Cam"that to his knowledge, nothing but the strongest necessity in"upporth could have induced the minister to undertake a measure so of lhemweighty, which, however conducted, was sure to be productive of murmurs and discontent among many, who, upon all other subjects, were disposed to be his warmest supporters." He then drew an affecting picture of the present wretchedness of Ireland — he described her great natural advantages — he explained her wrongs — he sought to create alarm by her loud demands of redress. "The tranquillity of the empire,'' said he, "is at stake. The Irish will next lay their grievances at the foot of the throne ; and importune the Sovereign of both countries to take part with the one against the interest, or rather the prejudices, of the other. Here is the foundation of a civil war. Does it not become the providence of the government to guard against such an emergency? The discontents of the Irish are in proportion to their sufferings."—Having detailed the proposed regulations for establishing free trade between the two islands, he considered the objections to them. "With respect to the argument of cheapness of labour, which has given such terrors to the manufacturers," he observed, " I confess I see it without alarm. This cheapness of labour must only continue during the rudeness of art; and, in the meanwhile, the rich and manufacturing country must enjoy the benefits of superior skill. There the finished article will still be cheaper. As to Mr. Peel, and the other intelligent witnesses examined at your bar, who threaten to emigrate to Connaught, I feel no uneasiness. If they really should form spinning establishments in that wild region, they may do much to civilise and improve it; and in Lancashire, their place may be supplied by others equally
CHAP, enterprising and respectable. They are not more reasonable CXLVI. f.han our manufacturers of silk and iron, who call upon us to lay such duties upon these articles when exported from Ireland, that the Irish may be excluded from competition in supplying them to the American market. These requests may all be traced to their true source—the itch of monopoly. Let us not have protecting duties on one side of the water, with retaliating prohibitions on the other, which will foster growing enmity between us, to the delight and aggrandizement of our common enemies." Still there were thirty votes in the negative; and a protest was signed, I am sorry to say, by Lord Derby, Lord Fitzwilliam, and other Whig Peers. March 19. When Mr. Pitt again brought forward his motion for a Lord Cam re^orm m Parliament, Lord Camden gave him all the assiste'en sup- ance and encouragement in his power; and the following PHtoifthe letter, urging tne Luke of Grafton to compel one of his question of members, who was rather doubtful, to vote for the measure, tary'ItTM6"" affords, I think, strong evidence of the Premier's sincerity:
"My dear Lord, "I find myself under a necessity of troubling your Grace, at Mr. Pitt's request, upon a question which I have always thought of the highest importance to the constitution, I mean the reform of Parliament. And, if your Grace thinks upon the subject as I do, you will lend your aid, by imparting your wishes to such of your friends as are likely to pay attention to your opinion. Mr. Pitt is not assured how Mr. Hopkins stands inclined to this measure, but is very anxious to obtain his concurrence, unless he is really and conscientiously averse to it. At least he wishes, and would think that he may not unreasonably hope, that he would give his vote for bringing in the Bill. When I have said this, I have said all that becomes me to say on this occasion, adding only that Mr. Pitt's character, as well as his administration, is in some danger of being shaken, if his motion is defeated by a considerable majority. I do confess myself to be warmly interested in the event, upon every consideration, and that, perhaps, is the best apology I can make your Grace for giving you this trouble, leaving it entirely to your own. wisdom to judge how far it would be fitting or agreeable to i^^^
your Grace to communicate your wishes to Mr. Hopkins.
"I am," &c.
I will here introduce two letters written at this time, showing, in an amusing manner, how an application used to be made, and evaded, to promote a Bishop. The individual to be translated was Hinchclifie, who, since the year 1769, had held the poor see of Peterborough, where he had been placed by the Duke of Grafton, when Premier. The first letter is to his Grace from Lord Camden:
"I was forced to wait some days before I could meet with 5an opportunity of conferring with Mr. Pitt, and when he Application had. after a full conversation, explained himself, though I t0 Promote
''1 iia Bishop.
think I perfectly understood the substance, I would not venture to put my own sense upon his words. I begged that he would at his first leisure put it down in writing—which I have this day received. But I should not care to send it by the common post, unless I should have your Grace's commands for that purpose. To say the truth, I do wonder a little, upon reflection, that we have hazarded our correspondence as we have done by the post. I will only add, that the answer, as far as I can judge, will give your Grace satisfaction. Courtly expressions and complimental civility are of course, and go for nothing; but I am much mistaken indeed if Mr. P. is not as sincere in his intentions as he is cordial in his expressions."
The following is the Prime Minister's courteous and cautious reply.
"Downing Street, Feb. 4. 1786.
"My dear Lord, "In answer to the communication your Lordship was so A Prime good to make to me from the Duke of Grafton, I should be mak.teT *
D _ 7 promise.
greatly obliged to you if you will assure him that from the desire I entertain of showing every possible attention to his Grace's wishes, he may rely on my being happy to find an opportunity of recommending the Bishop of Peterborough to his Majesty for advancement on the Bench. His Grace not CHAP, having particularly mentioned any specific object, and it CXLVI. being difficult to foresee the arrangements which may be taken till a vacancy happens in some of the most considerable sees, I can do no more than express my general inclination to meet his Grace's wishes as far as circumstances will allow. Indeed I think there is every reason to suppose that in the course of no very long time openings must occur which may admit of some desirable promotion being proposed to the Bishop, and it will give me great pleasure whenever it can be done to his Grace's satisfaction. "I am ever,
"My dear Lord,
"With great attachment and regard,
"The R' Honbl« Lord Camden."
As might have been foreseen, Hinchcliffe lived and died Bishop of Peterborough. Lord Cam- On the 13th of May 1786, Lord Camden's services to the Minister were recognised by his being raised in the peerage; he was created Viscount Bayham, of Bayham Abbey, in the county of Kent, and Earl Camden. state of af- His chief antagonist in the House of Lords, in his later Kin's in*16 vears, was Lord Loughborough, who was in hot opposition from the dissolution of the "Coalition Ministry," till he went over with the "Alarmists" at the commencement of the French revolution. Against him he ably defended the East India ^Judicature Bill *, the Excise Bill |, and other measures of
den made nn Earl.
* 26 Pari. Hist. 131.
f Being then in his 72d year, he took occasion to declare that his youthful sentiments in favour of the liberty of the subject remained unaltered. "I allow that the extension of the excise laws is dangerous, and fraught with multifarious mischiefs. It unhinges the constitutional rights of juries, and violates the popular maxim that ' every man's hoasc is his castle.' I have long imbibed these principles; I have been early tutored in the school of our constitution, as handed down by our ancestors, and I shall not easily get rid of early predilections. They still hang hovering about my heart. These are the new sprouts of an old stalk. Trial by jury is indeed the foundation of our free constitution; take that away, and the whole fabric will soon moulder into dust. These are the sentiments of my youth, — inculcated by precept, improved by experience, and
Government; but Mr. Pitt's ascendency was now so triumph- Chap. ant, that the Lords had little to do but to amuse themselves' with Mr. Hastings's trial, and they had no other debate of permanent interest till the nation was thrown into consternation and confusion in the year 1788 by the King's illness.
warranted by example. Yet, strange aa it may appear to your Lordships, the necessity of the case obliges me to give my assent to the present bill," &c. — 26 Pari. Hist. 177.