The relief system proposed may be objected to-first, by landed proprietors especially absentees, because, forsooth, they dread the introduction of the English poor laws; and still more, the smallest reduction of their rents-even at the trifling rate of four pence in the pound sterling, to be appropriated to charitable purposes, or to alleviate human misery, which is found, in the aggregate, much more intense, and more extended on their estates, than within the circle of a resident landlord's influence: and, secondly, by persons averse to all species of useful reform, disliking innovation, in spite of their experience of its benefits; and unwilling to add personal exertion to a tax which would not exceed a moiety of that which mendicity imposes. They will give themselves no trouble to carry into effect measures of relief, not only to the poor, but to the community, because they cannot perceive that they themselves will derive any advantage from it.

Selfishness in both cases is obviously the motive of such objectors; but baseness of sentiment and senseless argument ought not, in any instance, to prevail against the dictates of conscience, humanity, and sound policy.

The virtues of generosity and active charity have not entirely left the land, although many Irishmen, both of high and low degree, have deserted their country; the former in pursuit of pleasure; the latter, of that employment and help which the others cannot or will not grant.

Were measures of relief, as now recommended, sanctioned by act of parliament, a simultaneous movement would take place throughout Ireland; and the law would owe its efficiency to the zealous exertions and charitable disposition of individuals, who, from a sense of duty, stand foremost in voluntary and philanthropic efforts; "for none of us liveth to himself."" We ought," says the Christian philosopher, "to regard our lives, (including under that name our faculties, our opportunities, our advantages of every kind,) not as mere instruments of personal gratification, but as due to the service of God; and as given us to be employed in promoting the purpose of his will, in the happiness of our fellowcreatures. I am not able to imagine a turn of thought which is better than this. It encounters the antagonist, the check, the destroyer of all virtue-selfishness. It is intelligible to all; to all different degrees applicable. It incessantly prompts to exertion, to activity, to beneficence."

Under all the circumstances already detailed, and from what has been advanced with reference to the state of the Irish poor, and to the practical view of an improved system of relief; while,

Romans xiv. 7.

I trust, I have not ventured to offer any erroneous notions, visionary projects, or impracticable schemes; if I mistake not, the truth of the following propositions has been established.

First-The helpless poor in Ireland exist in a deplorable condi tion of extreme suffering and destitution.

Secondly-It is the revealed will of God, as well as the natural dictate of humanity, that they should be relieved by the gifts of succour, the means of subsistence, and places of refuge in their adversity.

Thirdly-It is practicable, from experience of the utility of a specific plan to alleviate their distress, and to meliorate there condition. Ergo, it is the duty of individuals in society at large, to perform, and failing them, of the state to enforce the performance of that duty, viz. the granting to the helpless poor permanent and substantial support.

Every one of these propositions, and the conclusion which has inevitably followed, I am persuaded is unquestionably true; moreover, it cannot be denied, that several towns, and one parish of considerable extent, have made signal attempts to act in accordance with the obligations of religion. Already, the partial operation of a relief system formed on approved fundamental principles has done much good.

The appeal in behalf of suffering humanity has been favorably replied to, both by absent proprietors and resident gentry. I should observe that one of the London companies, which in its corporate capacity enjoys the revenue arising from about 6000 statute acres in the parish adverted to, has willingly contributed to its relief fund, and it is but justice to state of the English corporators, possessors of extensive estates in the north of Ireland, that they are perpetually engaged through the medium of their agents, and the funds at their disposal, in carrying on works of practical utility and beneficence for the improvement and welfare of their tenantry. Now, it stands to reason, that a body of intelligent and opulent Englishmen could not easily be led to countenance projects of mistaken benevolence, nor any thing that might have in all its bearings, the slightest tendency to deteriorate their property, or to prove prejudicial to the interests of husbandry and the land occupiers. This fact is of momentous importance, because it will convey an admonition to absent Irishmen, in the matter of subscribing to parochial relief funds, ere the exigencies of the state, and the embarrassments of England, by reason of

Is it not to deal thy bread to the hungry; and that thou bring the poor that are cast out to thy house? When thou seest the naked, that thou cover him, and that thou hide not thyself from thine own flesh ?-ISAIAH Iviii. 7.

Irish pauperism, require of them four shillings in the pound, as a poor's-rate, instead of four pence.

I should add here a warning to farmers and landholders, many of whom have given proof of their unwillingness to comply with the requisitions of humanity: although they have experienced, and cannot but acknowledge the beneficial effects of the improved system, they are so perversely wedded to old habits, that they would rather bestow ten times the amount of their rate either "in meal or in malt," on the travelling poor, otherwise idle and strolling vagabonds, than part with a trifling sum in support of an useful charity. They are sincerely advised to beware of the poor tax by the writer.

The opinion of many sensible men is, that nothing better could be adopted as a general measure of relief than the system now advocated; that it is essentially necessary to establish it by law, if it be desirable to carry it into extensive operation, or even to attempt any reformation; because, from the reasons assigned, the best principles invariably fail of their efficacy, if not sanctioned and supported by the strong arm of the law. I am borne out in this assertion by the scheme having proved abortive in a neighboring parish; and why?-the farmers would not support the fund. And, in others, the measure has been proposed; but the reluctance of some, and supineness of others, counteract the dictates of humanity. Nor will any thing be done, however useful in Ireland, unless the people are inspired with that salutary dread of a legal enactment, which would actuate them to the performance of a most solemn and sacred duty. Some private individuals may be well disposed to exert all their energies in a good cause, but there is a considerable number that would remain inactive and unconcerned even if an angel descended from heaven to persuade them, "neither will they be persuaded though one rose from the dead.”

The facts I have stated are incontrovertible; and one fact is worth an infinity of unsupported assertions: the conclusion, therefore, is irresistible, that the establishment by law of this improved relief system must infalliby be attended with happy and beneficial effects, not only as it relates to one most miserable class of human beings, but to the general interests of the distinct orders of society in Ireland. If the publication of this letter be approved, or at least not objected to, on the grounds that it can do no harm, perhaps some little good to the unhappy, for whose advantage it is written, it shall go without further apology before the public. I have the honor to be, &c. &c. &c.

A MEMBER OF A PAROCHIAL COMMITTEE.

1 St. Luke xvi. 31.

COLOMBIA IN 1826.

BY AN ANGLO-COLOMBIAN.

ORIGINAL.

LONDON:-1828.

THE Abbé de Pradt has justly observed that the nations of Europe can no longer consider South America as a country with which they are but feebly and remotely connected. The barrier of distance disappears before the energy of commercial speculation, and a stimulus has been created comparable only (making due allowance for the different character of the times) with the period of the Crusades, or that of the first discovery of "this new world." But while no one is fitter than M. de Pradt ably and eloquently to illustrate the importance of the connexion present and future betwixt the two hemispheres, we must something dim the brilliancy of his coloring, and sober the enthusiasm of his partiality, if we would estimate accurately the real state of the great political sections of South America. It would indeed be not only a striking moral phenomenon, but perhaps a specious argument in favor of the Spanish colonial government, had the several liberated states placed themselves at the moment of their emancipation in the rank of free and enlightened nations. What stronger palliation could be offered in favor of despotism than that its evil influence ceased at the moment its chain was snapped, leaving the moral character of its subjects undegraded, and in full aptitude to follow up the career of freedom? Such, however, is not the case. The Spanish government has been every where replaced by constitutions more or less liberal, but founded on exotic ideas, lacking too frequently the support of analogous feelings, consequently unstable, and vibrating from the impressions of contradictory political tendencies. In fact, when we consider that the great mass of the South American population is enveloped in the darkest ignorance, enslaved to the greatest superstition, and consequently destitute of moral principle, we may conceive the obstacles which embarrass and retard the machine of republican government. Under such circumstances, we must rather wonder, with respect to political institutions, that all is not lost, than lament that so little has been attained.