and the next morning he wrote to Mr. Pitt the following letter, dated Feb. 15th, 1784.

"Queen's House, 30 m. past 10 A.M. "Mr. Pitt is so well apprised of the mortification I feel at any possibility of ever again seeing the heads of opposition in public employments, and more particularly Mr. Fox, whose conduct has not been more marked against my station in the empire, than against my person, that he must attribute my want of perspicuity in my conversation last night to that foundation yet I should imagine it must be an ease to his mind, in conferring with the other confidential ministers this morning, to have on paper my sentiments, which are the result of unremitted consideration, since he left me last night; and which he has my consent to communicate, if he judges it right, to the above respectable persons.

My present situation is perhaps the most singular that ever occurred, either in the annals of this or any other country; for the House of Lords, by a no less majority than two to one, have declared in my favour; and my subjects at large, in a much more considerable proportion, are not less decided; to combat which, the opposition have only a majority of twenty, or at most of thirty, in the House of Commons, who, I am sorry to add, seem as yet willing to prevent the public supplies. Though I certainly have never much valued popularity, yet I do not think it is to be despised when arising from a rectitude of conduct, and when it is to be retained by following the same respectable path, which conviction makes me esteem that of duty, as calculated 1821.

to prevent one branch of the legislature from annihilating the other two, and seizing also the executive power, to which she has no claim.

"I confess I have not yet seen the smallest appearance of sincerity in the leaders of opposition to come into the only mode by which I could tolerate them in my service, their giving up the idea of having the administration in their hands, and coming in as a respectable part of one on a broad basis; and therefore I, with a jealous eye, look on any words dropped by them, either in parliament, or to the gentlemen of St. Alban's tavern, as meant only to gain those gentlemen, or, if carrying farther views, to draw Mr. Pitt by a negociation, into some difficulty.

"Should the ministers, after this, still think it advisable that an attempt should be made to try, whether an administration can be formed on a real, not a nominal wide basis, and that Mr. Pitt, having repeatedly, and as fruitlessly, found it impossible to get even an interview on what opposition pretends to admit is a necessary measure, I will, though reluctantly, go personally so far as to authorize a message to be carried in my name to the duke of Portland, expressing a desire that he and Mr. Pitt may meet to confer on the means of forming an administration on a wide basis, as the only means of entirely healing the divisions which stop the business of the nation. The only person. I can think, from his office, as well as 'personal character, proper to be sent by me, is lord Sydney; but should the duke of Portland, when required by me, refuse to meet B

Mr.

Mr. Pitt, more especially upon the strange plea he has as yet held forth, I must here declare, that I shall not deem it right for me ever to address myself again to him.

"The message must be drawn on paper, as must every thing in such a negociation, as far as my name is concerned; and I trust, when I next see Mr. Pitt, if under the present circumstances, the other ministers shall agree with him in thinking such a proposition advisable, that he will bring a sketch of such a message for my inspection. "GEORGE R." In consequence of this permission from the king, which was evidently given with great reluctance, lord Sydney, on the same day, wrote to the duke of Portland, signifying his majesty's earnest desire, that his grace should have a personal conference with Mr. Pitt, for the purpose of forming a new administration on a wide basis, and on fair and equal terms."

The

The duke of Portland considered this message as tantamount to a virtual resignation on the part of ministers, and therefore as a removal of the obstacle which had hitherto prevented an interview between himself and Mr. Pitt. But no sooner was this difficulty removed, than another was started by the duke of Portland. royal message spoke of "forming an administration on fair and equal terms;" his grace did not object to the word "fair," it was a general term, and he and Mr. Pitt, in framing the arrangements, might discuss what they considered to be fair; but the word "equal" was more specific and limited; and as a necessary preliminary, he required Mr. Pitt to inform him

what he understood by the word "equal." Mr. Pitt said, he thought the meaning of that word would be best explained at a personal conference. The duke replied, that he could not meet Mr. Pitt till the word was explained. Mr. Pitt declined explaining it; and thus the negociation was finally broken off. Mr. Powys and Mr. Marsham were the persons, through whom these communications, relative to the meaning of the word "equal," passed; and the other gentlemen of the St. Alban's tavern, finding from their statement, that recent endeavours to accomplish an union of parties were as fruitless as former ones; that the "earnest desire" of the king had no better effect than the unanimous resolution of the House of Commons; and utterly despairing of success from any further application; after various consultations, at last came to this concluding resolution;"This meeting having heard with infinite concern, that an interview between the duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt is prevented by a doubt respecting a single word, are unanimously of opinion, that it would be no dishonourable step in either of the gentlemen to give way, and might be highly advantageous to the public welfare." No notice whatever was taken of this resolution, and the meetings were discontinued.

Without enquiring whether this association, which, if it had succeeded in its object, would, in reality, have prescribed to the king, what persons his majesty ought to take into his councils,was strictly reconcileable to the principles of our constitution; we may pronounce, that the intention

with which it was formed, was truly laudable and patriotic. It originated in a sincere desire, upon public grounds, to see the great abilities of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox united in the service of their country; and to accomplish that purpose every exertion was made. But, perhaps, it indicated no correct knowledge of human nature, to expect that two such men, circumstanced as they were, would co-operate cordially and permanently.

Royal observations on the ministerial plan of a reform in the House of Commons-Mr. Pitt did not forget his engagement to bring before the house, in the present session, the business of parliamentary reform. This was indeed a favorite object with him, to which he devoted much time and thought; and he sought every opportunity of explaining in private, his sentiments and views respecting it, to those members who had hitherto opposed every motion upon this subject. It is natural to suppose, that his present official situation would give great weight to his arguments; and that the persons who were in general supporters of his administration, would feel a desire to concur with him upon a question, in which his opinion was so decided and his wishes so strong. He prevailed with some, but the objections of others he was unable to overcome.

He thought it his duty, also, to communicate his plan to the king, whose private sentiments he knew to be unfriendly to any change in the construction of the House of Commons; and he received the following answer from his majesty, dated March 20.

"I have received Mr. Pitt's paper containing the heads of his plan, for a parliamentary reform, which I look on as a mark of attention. I should have delayed acknowledging the receipt of it till I saw him on Monday, had not his letter expressed that there is but one issue of the business he could look upon as fatal, that is, the possibility of the measure being rejected by the weight of those who are supposed to be connected with government. Mr. Pitt must recollect, that though I have ever thought it unfortunate that he had early engaged himself in this measure, yet that I have ever said, that as he was clear of the propriety of the measure, he ought to lay his thoughts before the house; that out of personal regard to him, I would avoid giving my opinion to any one, on the opening the door to parliamentary reform, except to him; therefore, I am certain Mr. Pitt cannot suspect my having influenced any one on the occasion. If others choose, for base ends, to impute such a conduct to me, I must bear it as former false suggestions. Indeed, on a question of such magnitude, I should think very ill of any man, who took a part on either side, without the maturest consideration, and who would suffer his civility to any one to make him vote contrary to his own opinion. The conduct of some of Mr. Pitt's most intimate friends on the Westminster scrutiny, shews there are questions men will not by friendship be biassed to adopt.'

In 1782, Mr. Pitt had moved for the appointment of a committee, to consider the state of the representation in the House of Commons; and in the following year,

he brought forward several resolutions as the basis of the plan which he then wished to be adopted. Having failed in both these instances, he determined upon the present occasion, to submit to the house a precise and explicit proposition, and at once to apply for leave to bring in a bill, which should contain the result of his full consideration upon this important subject, and be in itself complete and final. By this mode of proceeding he hoped to quiet the alarm of those who were fearful of touching the constitution in any one point, lest the alteration should, under the mask of reform, be progressively carried to a dangerous length. He again reprobated the wild and impracticable notion of universal suffrage, and said, that in his judgment, the just description of the popular branch of our legislature, at this day, ought to be "an assembly fully elected, between whom and the mass of the people, there was the closest union and most perfect sympathy." Such a House of Commons it was the purpose of the framers of our constitution to erect; and he had no other wish, than to restore the House of Commons to that its original state and character, instead of the corrupt and inadequate system into which it had unfortunately degenerated. Those who went farther -those who were advocates for individual representation, deluded themselves with impossibilities, and diverted the public from that plain and practicable path, in which they might travel with safety and ease, to launch them into an unbounded sea, where they had no pilot to direct, no star to guide them. He expressed an He expressed an

earnest desire to convince the house, that what he was about to suggest, was not an innovation, but perfectly conformable to the practice of our ancestors in the purest days. To prove that it was an indisputable doctrine of antiquity, that the state of repre sentation was to be changed with the change of circumstances, he stated that from the reign of Edward the first, the earliest period in which distinct descriptions of men could be traced in the representation to that of Charles the second, there were few reigns in which the representation was not varied. The successive kings exercised a power of summoning, or not summoning, as they pleas ed; acting always upon this principle, that the places should have such a population as entitled them to send, or rather subjected them to the duty of sending members to parliament. As one borough decayed, and another arose, the one was abolished, and the other invested with the right of choosing members, not however, in such a manner, that the House of Commons always consisted of the same exact number: for upon that point, there was no ancient law or custom; nothing, in fact, even in these times, preventing the executive branch of the legislature from adding to, or dimi. nishing the present number, but the act of union. So great, indeed, had been the variation, that in the seventeenth century, the crown had ceased to call upon seventy-two boroughs to send burgesses to the House of Commons; thirty-six of which, after the restoration, petitioned to be reinstated in the enjoyment of their ancient franchises. Their

petition

petition was granted: but the other thirty-six remained disfranchised. It was therefore evident that change was perfectly congenial to the original principle of representation, and consistent with the practice of former times. The excellence of the British constitution was the fruit of gradual improvement; and had a resistance to all reform, from apprehension of the bad consequences which might possibly ensue, prevailed in former times, Englishmen would never have enjoyed their present boasted privileges and blessings. Upon these authorities, and upon these grounds, he felt himself warranted in proposing, that thirty-six decayed boroughs, each electing two members, should no longer send burgesses to parliament; and that in their room, the different counties and the metropolis should elect seventy-two additional members, which would constitute a just proportion between county and borough representatives, without increasing the number of the House of Commons; and he farther proposed, that copyholders should vote for counties as well as freeholders; the difference of tenure not justifying in those days, the distinction in respect of voting, which at present subsisted. In the lapse of time, and fluctuation of human affairs, other boroughs might become decayed, the members of which were to be transferred to populous and flourishing towns, previously sending no members to parliament; and to prevent any doubt, a definite number of houses were to be the criterion of a decayed borough. Disavowing, however, all idea of compulsion, he proposed that no

old borough should be disfranchised, and no new place authorised to elect members, except upon its own spontaneous application. Boroughs being, in many instances, a species of valuable inheritance and of private property, a voluntary surrender of their rights was not to be expected, without an adequate consideration; and therefore he proposed the establishment of a fund for the purpose of purchasing these franchises, which being of different descriptions, the consideration-money would of course vary.

Such, he said, was the general outline of his plan, the operation of which would be gradual. The provisions of the act would be called into action from time to time, as cases arose. A clear and permanent rule for perpetual improvement in the representation, would be established, equally applicable to the present and all future periods, but giving no sanction or countenance to vague and chimerical schemes of reformation. He conceived it, indeed, to be free from all serious objection, and, at the same time, calculated to create that union and sympathy between the constituent and representative which was the surest foundation of liberty to individuals, and of strength and glory to the nation, and the best means, as far as human foresight could extend, for rendering the British constitution immortal. Leaving the detail of the execution to be hereafter discussed, he concluded by moving "That leave be given to bring in a bill to amend the representation of the people of England in parliament."

Mr. Pitt had the mortification of finding himself defeated a third