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be curious to learn how such a treasure was acquired, and Buonaparte does not conceal the fact. As emperor, he enjoyed a civil list of 24 millions a year; and out of this, by living within his income, he saved 10 millions every year for , the four years before his marriage. After his return from Russia, or during the Russian expedition, he ordered all those savings to be lent for the public service....This loan he reclaims in his will. Testament of Napoleon. This day, April 14, 1821, at Longwood, in the island of St. Helena. This is my testament, or act of my last will:— I leave to the comte de Montholon 2,000,000 francs, as a proof of my satisfaction for the attentions he has paid to me for these six years, and to indemnify him for the losses which my residence in St. Helena has occasioned him. - I leave to the comte Bertrand 500,000 francs. I leave to Marchand, my first valet de chambre, 400,000 francs; the services he has performed for me are those of a friend. I desire that he may marry a widow, sister, or daughter of an officer or soldier of my old guard;—to Saint Denis, 100,000 francs;–to Novarre, 100,000 francs;–to Pijeron, 100,000 francs;— to Archambaud, 50,000 francs;—to Cuvier, 50,000 francs;– to Chandelle, idem. To the abbé Visnale, 100,000 francs. I desire that he may build his house near Ponte-Novo de Rossino. To count Las Cases, 100,000 francs.

To count Lavalette, 100,000

francs. To the surgeon-in-chief, Larrey, 100,000 francs. He is the most virtuous man I have known. To general Lefevre Desnouettes, 100,000 francs. To general Drouet, 100,000 francs. To general Cambronne, 100,000 francs. To the children of general Muton Duvernais, 100,000 francs. , To the children of the brave Labedoyere, 100,000 francs. To the children of general Girard, killed at Ligny, 100,000 francs. To the children of general Chartrau, 100,000 francs. To the children of the virtuous general Travost, 100,000 francs. To general Lallemand, the elder, 100,000 francs. To Costa Bastiliga, also 100,000 francs. To general Clausel, 100,000 francs. To the baron de Menevalle, 100,000 francs. To Arnault, author of Marius, 100,000 francs. To colonel Marbot, 100,000 francs: I request him to continue to write for the defence and the glory of the French armies, and to confound the calumniators and the apostates. To the baron Bignon, 100,000 francs: I request him to write the history of French diplomacy from 1792 to 1815. To Poggi de Talaro, 100,000 francs. To the surgeon Emmery, 100,000 francs. These sums shall be taken from the six millions which I deposited on leaving Paris in *. - an

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comtes Montholon, Bertrand, and

Marchand. These legacies, in the case of death, shall be paid to the widows and children, and in their default, shall revert to the capital. I institute the comtes Montholon, Bertrand, and Marchand, my testamentary executors. This present testament, written entirely by my own hand, is signed and sealed with my arms. NA Poleon. April, 24, 1821, Longwood. This is my codicil to the act of my last will:— On the liquidation of my civil list of Italy—such as money, jewels, plate, linen, coffers, caskets, of which the viceroy is the depositary, and which belong to me—I dispose of 2 millions, which I leave to my most faithful servants. I hope that, without their showing any cause, my son Eugene Napoleon will discharge them faithfully. He cannot forget the 40 millions which I have given him in Italy, or by the right (parage) of his mother's inheritance. To the comte Montholon 200,000 francs, 100,000 of which he will pay into the chest, for the same use as the above, to be employed according to my dispositions in the discharge of legacies of conscience. This codicil is written in my own hand, signed and sealed with my arms. NApoleon. April, 24, 1821, Longwood. This is also another codicil, or act of my last will:— The 9,000l. sterling which we

have given to the comte and the comtesse Montholon, if they have been paid, are to be deducted and charged in account against the legacies which we have made him by our testament. If they have not been paid, our bills shall be cancelled. In consequence of the legacy made by our testament to the comte Montholon, the pension of 20,000 francs granted to his wife is annulled. Comte Montholon is directed to pay it to her. The administration of such succession until its entire liquidation, requiring expenses in offices, for journeys, commission, consultations, pleadings, we intend that our testamentary executors shall retain 3 per cent. on all the legacies, both on the 6,800,000 francs, and on the sums bequeathed by the codicils. The sums proceeding from these deductions shall be deposited in the hands of a treasurer, and expended on the order of our testamentary executors. We appoint comte Las Cases, or in his default his son, and in his default general Drouot, treasurer. This present codicil is entirely written with our own hand, and sealed with our arms. NApoleon.

This 24th of April, 1821, Longwood.

This is my codicil and act of

my last will. From the funds remitted in gold to the empress Maria Louisa, my very dear and well-beloved spouse, at Orleans, in 1814, there remain due to me 2 millions, which I dispose of by the present codicil, in order to recompense my most faithful servants, whom I besides recommend

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recommend to the protection of my dear Maria Louisa. I leave 200,000 francs to comte Montholon, 100,000 francs of which he shall pay into the chest of the treasurer for the same purpose as the above, to be employed, according to my dispositions, in legacies of conscience. This codicil is written with my own hand, signed and sealed with my arms. NApol EoN.

Monsieur Lafitte, -I remitted to you in 1815, at the moment of my departure from Paris, a sum of nearly 6 millions, for which you gave me a double receipt. I have cancelled one of these receipts, and I have charged comte de Montholon to present to you the other receipt, in order that you may after my death deliver to him the said sum with interest at the rate of 5 per cent. from the 1st of July, 1815, deducting the ayments with which you have een charged in virtue of my order. I desire that the liquidation of your account be settled by mutual consent between you, comte Montholon, comte Bertrand, and the sieur Marchand; and that this liquidation being adjusted, I give you by these presents full and absolute discharge of the sum. I also remitted to you a box containing my medallion. I beg you will deliver it to comte Montholon. This letter having no other object, I pray God, monsieur Lafitte, that he may have you in his holy and worthy keeping.

NA PoleoN. Longwood, in the island of St. Helena, April 25, 1821.

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to the prerogative court of the lord archbishop of Canterbury, deposited and registered, according to the affidavit, in the hands of Mr. Fox, notary and attorney of the court. Thus, as a forcible journalist remarks—thus terminated in exile and in prison the most extraordinary life yet known to political history. The vicissitudes of such a life, indeed, are the most valuable lessons which history can furnish. Connected with, and founded in, the principles of his character, the varieties of fortune which Buonaparte experienced are of a nature to illustrate the most useful maxims of benevolence, patriotism, or discretion. They embrace both extremes of the condition of man in society, and therefore address themselves to all ranks of human beings. But Buonaparte was our enemy—our defeated enemy—and as Englishmen we must not tarnish our triumphs over the living warrior, by unmanly injustice towards the dead. The community of which Buonaparte was in his early days a member, and the military education which he received, may, independently of any original bias of character, have laid the foundation of the greatness to which he attained, and of that mischievous application of unbridled power, through which he fell very nearly to the level whence he first had started. Nothing could be more corrupt than the morals of military society among the French before the revolution—nothing more selfish or contracted than the views (at all times) of a thorough bred military adventurer. Buonaparte came into active life, with as much (but we have no no reason to think a larger share of) lax morality and pure selfishness as others of his age and calling. The public crisis into which he was thrown, gave to profound selfishness the form of insatiable ambition. With talents and enterprise beyond all comparison greater than any against which he had to contend, he overthrew whatever opposed his progress. Thus, ambition in him was more conspicuous than others, only because it was more successful. He became a sovereign. How, them, was this pupil of a military school prepared to exercise the functions of sovereignty? An officer, as such, has no idea of divided

ower. His patriotism is simply

ove of his troops and his profession. He will obey commands— he will issue them—but in both cases those commands are absolute. Talk to him of deliberation, of debate, of freedom of action, of speech, nay of opinion, his feeling is, that the body to which any of these privileges shall be accessible, must fall into confusion and be speedily destroyed. Whatever pretexts may have been resorted to by Buonaparte—whatever jacobin yells he may have joined in to assist his own advance towards power—every subsequent act of his life assures us that the military prepossessions in which he was educated, became those by which he was influenced as a statesman, and we are well persuaded of his conviction, that it was impossible for any country, above all for France, to be governed otherwise than by one sole authority—undivided and unlimited. It may, we confess, be no satisfaction to the French, nor any great consolation to the rest

of Europe, to know through what means it was, or by what vicious training, that Buonaparte was fitted, nay, predestined almost, to be a scourge and destroyer of the rights of nations, instead of employing a power irresistible, and which in such a cause none would have felt disposed to resist, for the promotion of knowledge, peace, and liberty, throughout the world. In hinting at what we conceive to be the fact, however, we are bound by regard for truth; our business is not to apologize for Buonaparte; but so far as may be done within brief limits to analyze and faithfully describe him. The factions also which he was compelled to crush, and whose overthrow obtained for him the gratitude of his country, still threatened a resurrection when the compressing force should be withdrawn. Hence were pretexts furnished on behalf of despotism, of which men more enlightened and better constituted than Buonaparte might not soon have discovered the fallacy. Raised to empire at home, his ambition sought for itself fresh aliment; and foreign conquest was at once tempting and easy. Here the natural reflection will obtrude itself—what might not this extraordinary being have effected for the happiness of mankind, and for his own everlasting fame and grandeur, had he used but a moiety of the force or perseverance in generous efforts to relieve the oppressed, which he wasted in rendering himself the monopolist and patron of oppression 1 But he had left himself no resource. He had extinguished liberty in France, and had no hold upon his * their love of military glory. Conquest therefore succeeded to conquest, until nothing capable of subjugation was left to be subdued. Insolence and rapacity in the victor produced among the enslaved nations, impatience of their misery and a thirst for vengeance. Injustice undermined itself, and Buonaparte, with his unseasoned empire, fell together, the pageant of a day. His military administration was marked by strict and impartial justice. He had the art, in an eminent degree, of inciting the emulation and gaining the affections of his troops. He was steady and faithful in his friendships, and not vindictive on occasions where it was in his power to be so with impunity. Of the deceased emperor's intellectual and characteristic ascendency over men, all the French, and some of other nations besides the French, who had an opportunity of approaching him, can bear witness. He seems to have possessed the talent, not merely of command, but, when he pleased, of conciliation and persuasion. With regard to his religious sentiments, they were perhaps of the same standard as those of other Frenchmen starting into manhood at a time when infidel writings had so domineered over the popular mind, that revealed religion was become a public laughing-stock; and in a country where the pure christian faith was perplexed with subtilties, overloaded by mummeries, and scandalized and discountenanced by a general looseness of morals. Upon

their

the whole, Buonaparte will go down to posterity as a man who, having more good at his disposal than any other potentate of any former age, actually applied his immense means to the production of a greater share of mischief and misery to his fellowcreatures—one who, on the basis of French liberty, might have founded that of every other state in Europe—but who carried on a series of aggressions against foreign states, to divert the minds of his own subjects from the sense of their domestic slavery; thus imposing on foreign nations a necessity for arming to shake off his yoke, and affording to foreign despots a pretext for following his example. Napoleon Bonaparte” was born at Ajaccio on the 15th of August, 1769. He was the second son of Carlo Buonaparte, who, having studied law at Rome, resigned the gown for the sword, fought under the banners of his friend Paoli, and much distinguished himself by his talents and bravery. When Corsica submitted to France, he was on the point of expatriating himself, but was dissuaded by his uncle Lucien, archdeacon of the cathedral of Ajaccio. In 1767 he married a young and beautiful lady, Letitia Ramolini, by whom he had five sons and three daughters. On submitting himself to the new government, in 1768, he was much noticed by the count de Marboeuf, the governor, and named a member of the deputation of the Corsican nobility to Louis XV. He was soon after

* Originally Buonaparte: it is common with Italians in France to frenchify their names for the sake of the more easy pronounciation; Napoleon did this.

nominated

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