discussion permitted, would always ultimately triumph, and that from this country it would spread to others. There was enough of difficulty to excite our vigilance, and call for our exertion; to induce us to make frequent appeals to the public opinion of nations, and the reason and conscience of sovereigns. Our efforts would in time diffuse public opinion over Europe, and abolish this nefarious traffic, leaving no trace of it but the abhorrence which its recollection might excite.

Lord Milton thought that his honourable and learned friend, while he allowed what was due to the spirit of liberty, in bringing about the abolition, must admit that a great deal ought likewise to be ascribed to the influence of our purer system of religion.

Dr.Lushington, adverting to the conduct of America, said that she had not done' enough by passing one act. The making of slavedealing, piracy, would not prevent it, unless a sufficient number of cruisers were kept along the coast of Africa, to enforce the penalty. This was not the case; she had only a few, which were not sufficient. The noble lord (Londonderry) should press on the American government, that nothing but a mutual right of search could prevent the prostitution of her flag to this nefarious traffic. The honourable and learned gentleman confirmed the statements regarding the cruel treatment of slaves on board the Portuguese slave ships, and mentioned several cases of which the evidence had come before him. He likewise spoke in severe terms of the conduct of France.

Mr. Bernal adverted to the

sums which Portugal had received from this country, for stipulating to abolish a traffic which she still so faithlessly continued. We had given her 300,0001.lately, 50,0001. interest, and had remitted 600,0001 which she owed us, thus making in all nearly a million.

Mr. Marryat had listened with much attention to what had fallen from the honourable and learned gentleman opposite (sir J. Macintosh.) He remembered, however, having once heard the honourable and learned gentleman say, that a great difference subsisted between the treatment of slaves in the East and West Indies: that in the former their treatment was purely domestic, as they were, in fact, reckoned more like a part of the family than unnecessarily harassed; while in the latter they were kept under the lash of a set of inexorable task masters. Now, against the opinion of the honourable and learned gentleman upon this point, he could quote other, and with reference to this subject, better information; and would refer to the authority of Dr. Buchanan, who was employed by the marquis Wellesley to inspect the state of the Indian provinces; and who had in his book, dedicated to the East India Company, given a statistical account of the state of the slaves in those parts of the East Indies which he had visited, and particularly in the cane plantations. The honourable gentleman then: read a long extract from Dr. Bucha nan's book, which described the absolute and rigid discipline exercised over slaves, the right of property in which they were held, and the mode of selling and letting them out to hire. Dr. Bu chanan spoke from ocular demonP 2 stration,

stration, while the honourable and learned gentleman's sphere of observation respecting the state of slaves must have been very limited indeed, as his (sir J. Macintosh's) residence in India was chiefly confined to Bombay, except perhaps when in his hurry to embark for Europe he had crossed over to Madras, by which he had just the same opportunity of knowing the people, that a man would have who travelled from London to Liverpool in a mail coach. They had been told a great deal of the inactivity of some of the powers engaged in the congress of Vienna to put down this trade; but they had not heard that the emperor of Russia, whose philanthropy was said to be so unbounded, had actually given the monopoly of the sugar supply of his extensive empire to Spain and Portugal, the two powers who were said to be so deeply engaged in this traffic. By the Russian tariff last issued, a difference of 30s. per cwt. was made against the sugar clayed in certain places, the effect of which duty was to throw the monopoly into the hands of Spain and Portugal. The tariff was said to have been issued as a sort of retaliation against the 15 per cent. transit duty on foreign linen; and the reason assigned for the distinction was, that Spain and Portugal took a greater proportion of Russian linen in payment for their sugars, than was taken elsewhere. He believed, from what he had stated, that they would find it difficult to make the emperor of Russia revoke his tariff, notwithstanding the high ideas they entertained of the propriety of his policy; and he also thought that

the late affair in the Rio Pongas was little calculated to impress the natives with a just idea of British forbearance and moderation. He did not like to propose an amendment to the honourable gentlemen's address, but he would suggest the propriety of his embodying in it, a recommendation for the other powers to prohibit commercial intercourse with Spain and Portugal while they continued the slave trade.

Mr. Money rose merely to state that he had the best authority for saying that the slave trade was now carrying on at the eastern coast of Africa by the Portuguese with unceasing cruelty, and in a manner not exceeded by that in which the traffic had been conducted upon the western coast. A friend of his who had lately passed down the Mosambique fell in with two slave ships, carrying about 500 infant slaves, from five to ten years of age, They were in a state of nakedness and misery, and had been so badly treated on the way that not more than 200 arrived at the market.

Mr. Gurney wished to know whether there was any intention of inserting in, or annexing to, this address, a paragraph recommending the allied powers to utter a denunciation of war against any state refusing effectually to put down the slave trade.

Mr. Brougham said, that he was most desirous to give an explicit and unequivocal answer to the question just put by the honourable gentleman. He was therefore ready to say on the part of the framers and supporters of this address, that if he or they thought a single paragraph within its four corners contained a pledge to support

measures

measures of hostility against any power, in the event of that power not complying with their request to abolish this detestable traffic, they would be the very last to support such a pledge. The declaration of such a threat, to say the least of it, must now be very premature. With respect to the negociations with America, he must say this, that the reciprocal right of search was essential to promote the object in view. There were two main points to be sought for the first was to obtain from other nations the same sanction for the abolition of the slave trade as prevailed here-namely, to stigmatize it as a crime, to deal with it as such by law, and to put it down by the inexorable infliction of a punishment. That the first object to be attained would yet be quite inoperative without the right of search. And here he must say that he was quite disappointed at the refusal of America to consent to the right of search, after all she had hither to done in the cause of the abolition. He was much disappointed at finding America prepared to let the good work stop so far short of its entire completion. He was aware that the United States had done much in seizing an early opportunity of putting down their share of the trade by passing an act of abolition, and again by setting the example of their great name to declare the trade one of piracy, and punishable accordingly; but he could not too often repeat, that unless they allowed the right of search reciprocally, under of course proper restrictions and well contrived qualifications, it would be impossible for government to carry into effect the mea

sures they had already prepared for extinguishing this traffic. The papers which had been interchanged between this country and America were voluminous, and he might have perhaps overlooked a reason, which according to his judgment, was a complete answer to the objections that had been urged against the right of search. Unfortunately, that right had, during the late war, acquired an evil name; but he took the plain answer to the objection to be this When a belligerent claimed the right of search from a neutral, and offered the same right in return, the former did not in point of fact give in return what was reciprocal, and for this reason the right claimed by the belligerent was immediate in its effect and inconvenience; what was offered in return was not immediate, but future and contingent. The inconvenience to the neutral was present, and the advantage held out depended upon the belligerent changing places with the neutral, a situation which was almost impossible with respect to America, for nothing could be more improbable than that she would be ever engaged in a war from which England could stand clear, and act as a neutral.

In the present case, then, the right of search was reciprocally conceded to America upon even grounds, and in a manner dissimilar to the tender between a belligerent and a neutral, it was immediate and neutral. He hoped the good sense of America would feel this distinction, and readily concede for neutral good purposes, that which alone was essential to the permanent abolition of this traffic. He anti

cipated

cipated considerable effect from the operation of public opinion upon this question, in the countries which were still backward in acting. Let those who desponded at the present prospect of an effective abolition, remember the anxiety, doubt, and apprehension, with which the act of abolition in this country passed in the year 1807, and then bear in mind that in less than four years the felony act passed through parliament without a dissentient voice. Let them see from that memorable example of the rapid progress of public opinion how powerfully it operates upon governments, when information is generally diffused, and a real knowledge of facts disseminated. That public opinion had acted in England within the short period he had mentioned; and he trusted that in other countries it would be found equally operative in inducing their rulers to adopt more efficient measures for extinguishing the odious traffic.

Mr. W. Smith said that the right asserted during the late American war to take British seamen out of American ships, had naturally made America distrustful on the present occasion. He hoped, however, that she would go on and finish the good work which she had begun.

Mr. Wilberforce then said a few words in reply.

General Fergusson rose at that late stage of the debate, to mention what had occurred within his own actual knowledge, twice that he had been at Bahia. After taking great pains to ascertain the real state of the annual average of slaves imported into that place, he found it to be at the

Majority for it . . . 24 The bill was then read a third time, and passed.

House of Lords, July 2.-The royal assent was given by commission to the Loan Bill, the Irish Treasury Bills Bill, the Bank of Ireland Bill, the Wool Register Bill, the Naval Stores Bill, the Scotch Distilleries Bill, the Vagrant Laws Bill, the East India Trade Bill, and several other public and private bills.

Several bills were brought from the commons, among which were the Captured Slaves Bill, by Mr. Brogden, and the Cruelty to Horses Bill, by Mr. R. Martin.

House of Commons. Sir J. Hiacintosh wished to ask one question of the noble lord. When in that house it was urged upon the noble lord that some effectual remonstrance ought to be made to the ministers of France, relative to the continuance of the African slave trade by certain of her subjects; and to the degree of countenance which such individuals received, from the want of some effective interposition on the part of the French government, with a view to put an end to their practices; the noble lord intimated

intimated that there was in the legislative body of that kingdom, a disposition which was favour able to the continuance of this trade, and insinuated that it was upon this account that no more vigorous measures had been adopted by that government to repress the traffic notoriously carried on upon certain parts of the coast of Africa under the French flag. It now, however, appeared, that the chamber of deputies itself had complained of the exist. ence of this evil; it seemed that a complaint had been made there, and that it had been most warmly pressed upon the attention of the French minister. Now these two statements being opposite to each other, he (sir J. Macintosh) wished to ask the noble lord whether his information had proceeded upon any written document? and if it had, whether the noble lord would have any objection to have it laid before parliament?

The marquis of Londonderry said, the source to which the honourable and learned gentleman was alluding had rather confirmed his (lord Londonderry's) statement of a former evening. It would appear, from what the French minister of marine stated, that there was this kind of feeling in the French legislature. It had happened, in point of fact, that very recently there had been discussions upon the subject of the slave trade in both of the chambers. That which had taken place in the chamber of deputies, might serve to show the difficulties which were likely to occur in any future consideration of the same subject in that chamber. Unfortunately, it was too true, that there was at this moment a very

strong colonial spirit, both in the chamber of peers and the chamber of deputies, which looked with very little favour at any great and benevolent law, like that which abolished the traffic in slaves. He (lord Londonderry) had been very glad to find that the minister of marine on this occasion spoke in an extremely proper manner, both with respect to the principle upon which policy and humanity demanded such an abolition, and on the obligation of preserving the public faith, pledged by so many treaties, entire. With respect to laying the information before the house, he trusted that the honourable and learned gentleman would be satisfied with this explanation.

Sir James Macintosh did not wish to press the matter on the house, but conceived that such a paper might have explained so extraordinary a contradiction between the two statements.

The marquis of Londonderry said that the minister of marine had hitherto not been able to obtain any more redress than he himself had done.

On the motion of the marquis of Londonderry for the third reading of the duke of Clarence's annuity bill, the grant of arrears was opposed by Mr. Bernal, Mr. Creevey, Mr. Beecher, Mr. Monck, and Mr. Brougham. The last honourable gentleman explained, in answer to a remark of the noble marquis (Londonderry) on the preceding night, that the memorial of the queen on her right to be crowned was only eleven days in preparing, viz. from June 12, when the proclamation appeared in the Gazette, to the 23d (Saturday,) and was presented on

the