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government or to better the laws for object which it then professed to its internal regulation. He held

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a constitution for in his hand a diplomatic note of Italy, and the expulsion of the Campo Chiaro, in which that French power from that country; minister appealed to the sover it was then a favourite with the eigns of Europe in favour of the allies. Such was its history. But revolution effected in his country, even although the revolution at and justified it as being neither Naples had been brought about dangerous nor offensive to foreign by a smaller number than such a states. The allied sovereigns powerful and long established with this explanation before them, body, that circumstance, in his and acquainted with the conduct opinion, would not have impeachand circumstances of the Neapo- ed its merits, or have given the litan revolution, had interfered on allies any additional right of inthe general principle of a right to terference, especially when it was interfere, and had thus the merit considered that it was adopted of acting openly and without dis- by the old people without being guise, not aggravating the violence imposed upon them by any force of injustice by the meanness of or violence. They not only showed fraud. He could not but declare a passive acquiescence in the opethat he considered this as one of rations of this sect, but actively the most monstrous instances of concurred in establishing the coninjustice that the world had ever stitution which they introduced ; heard of, and the conduct of our and what was at first a sect begovernment with respect to it de- came at last, according to an manded the strictest scrutiny and expression which he had heard the most explicit explanation. used, "the universal people.

Let their lordships look to the That the revolution was the effect revolution of 1688, and then he of the general will, might be would ask them if it could have proved by the rapidity with which been carried into effect without it was established and the unani the combinations of those great mity with which it had been supmen, who restored and secured ported. We had seen, during our religion, our laws, and our that great change, none of the liberties, and without such mutual usual heats and animosities with communications among them as which revolutions are frequently would bring them under the de- accompanied-none of those tuscription of a sect or party. The mults and conflicts which arise Carbonari, who, it was said, from difference of opinion. It was had occasioned the revolution at established in a few days without Naples, were not always so ob. confusion or blood; and, he benoxious to the allies, and bail lieved, had no parallel in the become so only from their late history of the world. They were conduct in favour of freedom. told, however, that the Neapolitan That sect had been formed in revolution had not only been the 1812; it was then encouraged work of a sect, but that they had and protected by the allies, it employed the army as the instruwas then supported by them as an ment in effecting their purpose. instrument against France; the He did not see any more strength

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in this objection than in the for- have been our own position at the mer. If they were to have armies, time when our ancestors exerted they must reconcile themselves to themselves to establish that conthe idea that when a soldier en- /stitution which they had handed listed into them he did not sur down to us, had the army, which render the feelings of a man, that was less then than it is now, conhe remained a citizen when under tinued firm to that mis-guided moarms, and must sympathize with narch, James II. in opposing the his countrymen. In a revolution just claims of his subjects? How the army must always take one lamentable would have been our side or the other: it must support situation, and how much would the sovereign against the people, the recovery of our religion and or aid the people in demanding our laws have been impeded, had their rights of the sovereign. God the army at that time acted so as forbid that it should always, and to earn the approbation of a body in all circumstances, take the of sovereigns like the holy alside arbitrary power! God liance! Divesting the principles forbid that tyranny, however mon- promulgated in the circular, and strous or oppressive, should al- the conduct of the allies, of all ways be defended by the army! pretexts, what language did they He rejoiced to consider that sol- hold but the following, to the diers when enlisted did not cease people of Naples ? " You shall to be men, and that sovereigns have no liberty but what is agreewere sometimes taught by their able to our will; we cannot pertaking an opposite side, that their mit it to be enjoyed in our states, best guards and protection were nor will we allow it in you; as the confidence and love of the we are resolved not to give freepeople. God forbid that in all dom ourselves, we will not have circumstances they should sup- free neighbours: freedom at port arbitrary power against the Naples might encourage the just claims of liberty, and that people of Germany, and the language like the following should people in the north of Italy, to be held to nations desirous of im- demand a similar boon. It might proving the system of their go- incite the inhabitants of Breslaw, vernment — language, however, or of the banks of the Rhine, which was held, in effect, by the to seek for those constitutions present interference.

The so.

which have been long promised vereigns thus said to the people, and always delayed; nay, it “Reform you may have, but it might even penetrate into the must come of our free will, and frosts of Russia and elicit a new you must not employ the only spark in the brcasts of those who means, or use the only instrument, expelled Buonaparte from their for procuring it. The sect or the inhospitable wilds. Expect not, army which has assisted you therefore, that we can permit you must be disbanded or punished; to improve the system of your and after we have done so, we government. Overthrow the conshall give you that portion of stitution you have established, or liberty which we shall think pro- prepare for the full infliction of per to dispense." What would our wrath.”

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The sovereigns of Europe had that thus an opportunity was afmet to declare that no new re- forded him of explaining and deforms 'should be permitted unless fending, if it required explanation such as emanated from them or defence, that circular comselves, or had received their sanc munication on which he had comtion. He now, therefore, called mented, and also of answering the upon ministers to explain their general observations which he conduct in appearing to favour had thrown out. The circular of such a confederacy, and in com the 19th of January, he would mitting the government to acts contend, contained a clear, disso derogatory from the interests tinct, and intelligible exposition and the honour of the country.

of the views and sense of governFie called upon them to explain ment on the matter to which it why their conduct had been so referred, and the principles on different in the two cases of Spain wlich the allies professed to act, and Naples, which were so simi Although he had been willing to lar in their nature. When the grant the papers moved for by Spanish revolution was effected, the noble earl, he could not sancno suspension of intercourse had tion a motion which was introdutaken place; and he wished to cod for the purpose of censuring know why our relations with the conduct of government, withNaples should have been placed ont appearing to allow the juston a different footing. He asked ness of that censure. these explanations for the honour The noble earl alluded to what and the safety of the country, was called—“ The Holy Alliance." which had been compromised by He (lord Liverpool) knew not for the undecided, temporizing, and, what particular purpose the noble he would add, pusillanimous con earl had made that allusion, as duct of his majesty's ministers. it was an alliance to which this He should rejoice to find that the country was not a party. Whatnoble earl opposite could make ever objection the people of other those explanations satisfactory; countries might have to that albut, at any rate, he would sit liance, to us at least its existence down with the consciousness of was harmless. The noble earl having discharged his duty, even

seemed to think that it was conalthough he might be disappointed nected with this government in by the vote of the house in ob some secret manner. He could taining the papers for which he assure the noble earl that his moved. The noble earl then apprehensions were unfounded. moved for copies or extracts of There was no mystery, difficulty, all communications between his or doubt about the conduct of the majesty's government and foreign English government. No arrangegovernments, relative to the af- ments had been made with any fairs of Naples.

forcign power, except those which The earl of Lirerpool could as- were regularly laid before parliasure the noble lord and the house ment. There never had been any that though he would oppose the arrangements with this country motion, he was not sorry it respecting the operations of foreign had been brought forward, and powers, growing out of the treaty

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of Paris, or out of any other treaty of both these points. He said, that had not been laid on their you must expect in great natable, and of which noble lords tional convulsions that the miliopposite had not full and perfect tary will take one side or the cognisance.

other, and it would be a most The noble earl's objection came lamentable thing if they took part to this—that ministers, in giving with despotic power;" and he their opinion, and in stating that alluded to what took place in our they disapproved of the mode and own country, when the army at circumstances under which the Hounslow mutinied against king revolution at Naples was effected, James. That however, was a did that which they had no right case in which a revolution was to do. He had no difficulty in effected by those who looked tostating that he was friendly towards a competent constitutional that expression of opinion. If the authority for the redress of their noble earl would look to the wrongs, and he could not conceive ground of the revolution at Naples, any two cases to present more he would see a variety of circum- striking points of difference. The stances which made it not only case of Naples was not that of a proper, but indispensably neces- people demanding a redress of sary that government should pub- grievances, receiving a refusal, lish its disapproval of those pro- and the military standing up in ceedings. In the first place, that order to assist them in procuring revolution was effected by a mili- that redress. Such, however, tary mutiny; and, in the next, was the case in 1688, and with the Spanish constitution was respect to other revolutions that adopted under the most extraor- had been effected in this country. dinary circumstances. He ad- At Naples the revolution was the mitted that neither of these cir- effect of a military mutiny, carried cumstances would afford just on in secret by a sect whom he ground for an interference in the would presently notice, no stateaffairs of another country, sincement of grievances having been it was allowed that every state previously made. It was the act had a right to conduct its own of a military mutiny in the first affairs as it pleased, provided its instance, by which the whole transactions did not affect the business had been brought about. tranquillity of other states. But He stated this, not as a ground still, if the military mutiny, or for interfering with Naples, but as the adoption of the Spanish con- forming a very great distinction stitution, under such circum- from the case to which the noble stances, appeared to be objection- earl had referred.

There was, able, he maintained that he had however, another question which, a right to express that opinion, he likewise admitted, afforded no while he, at the same time, stated practical justification for interferthat those two transactions did ing with the affairs of Naples, not afford a just ground for inter- He meant the mode in which the ference. Here be would shortly revolution was conducted. If he apply himself to the view which looked to the constitution of this the noble carl appeared to take country, as it had grown up,

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nothing could be more distinctly could any man pretend to say, observable than the manner in that if a large army at Naples which their ancestors had pro- chose to effect a revolution there, ceeded. In the struggle for and chose also to adopt a Spanish Magna Charta, in the revolution constitution, the people of Sicily of 1640, and in that of 1688, the were to have no share in the distinct ground taken was a de- modification of that constitution? claration of specific grievances to What really took place on the which practical remedies were to occasion ? When the event of be applied, founded either on an the revolution at Naples was cient rights, or on existing pro- known, the strongest sentiment positions. But this was very dif- that could be conceived was maniferent from the course pursued fested in Sicily against the new in Naples, where the revolution constitution. He knew that a was effected without any declara- strong feeling was also said to tion whatsoever, and a foreign have been displayed against the constitution was adopted, of royal family, This, however, he which those who thought fit to denied: no feeling but that of the select it knew nothing.

most devoted loyalty was maniThere were grounds on which fested towards them. What did he meant to contend foreign the government of Naples do? countries were justified in inter- They sent a large military force fering with the internal affairs of to Sicily to overawe public opinion, other states: He was not stand- and to compel the Sicilians to ing up to justify the conduct of submit. When that military force the allies in that respect. It was arrived at Palermo, they found sufficient for him to say that he the difficulties of the expedition saw no cause for the interference greater than they had been led of this country. There was one to suppose, and they were induced ground for the interference of the to enter into the capitulation with allies which he was surprised the the inhabitants of Palermo, and noble earl had overlooked. He the power stationed in that cityalluded to the conduct of the re- a requisition as reasonable, as fair, volutionary government of Naples as just, and as equitable, as ever towards Sicily. Nothing had oc was concluded. It was signed curred more outrageous or revolt- and completely executed. It stiing, during the last twenty-five pulated that the two states should years, than the proceedings of compose one kingdom. They these Neapolitans, with the word were to have the same sovereign, “ liberty” in their mouths, to their but it was left to the Sicilians to Sicilian fellow-subjects. Every decide whether they would have one who heard him was aware a distinct and separate parliathat Sicily was a distinct kingdom, ment, or whether their parliament though governed by the same was to be incorporated with that king. The Sicilians had distinct of Naples. This being signed, rights, privileges, and laws. In and definitively agreed on, was short, Sicily possessed a distinct sent to the revolutionary governconstitution of its own. Such ment of Naples; but that revoluwas the situation of Sicily: and tionary government refused to

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