"

concurring in the holy alliance. The late manife stoof the allied monarchs at Labach declared their determination not to countenance any form of constitution which was not legally established. The liberty required for the people of Sicily had been, he would contend, as legally pledged, and upon authority as legitimately sacred, as that which bound the governments of those sovereigns themselves. When he quitted Sicily there were two conditions solemnly stipulated for on the part of the people. One was that no individual should be molested for his connexion with the English while they administered the affairs of the island; and the other, that the rights and privileges to which they were entitled should not be impaired by the transfer of their administration. How had these solemn stipulations been fulfilled? He had the best means for knowing, that, so far from their having been fulfilled, there never was a more complete annihilation of all rights and privileges than that which followed; nor could one accompanied by greater injustice, oppression, and cruelty, be found, he believed, to have stained the annals of any country in the world. The old constitution of Sicily had existed and had been respected for centuries. Sicily was free-it had a constitution of its own certainly a very independent one. Though connected with Naples, it possessed very important privileges. It had its own flag, it coined its own money, and it possessed its own parliament. That parliament, exercised the power of voting taxes, and of seeing that they were proper

applied. In 1812, the three

houses unanimously agreed on the basis of a new form of constitution. On that occasion, the barons of Sicily presented one of the most glorious spectacles that the world ever beheld, or history ever recorded: they came forward with the voluntary surrender of their own feudal rights. It was determined at this time to adopt as far as possible the form of the British constitution. The three chambers were reduced to two-the lords spiritual and temporal formed one, and the commons the other. The parliament met in the years 1813, 1814, and 1815. In 1814, the king resumed the reigns of government, and renewed his oath to observe inviolably the form of government that had been established. In 1815 his majesty went to Naples. Before the departure of the king the British minister gave in a document, stating that, from a total change of circumstances, the influence of England was about to cease entirely in the island: that if the government of Sicily required alteration, this country could have no objection to it, provided the alterations were made conformably with the existing laws, and with the free consent of the nation: the document concluded with an express statement, that England would not allow any violent or arbitrary change in the existing constitution. But what efforts were made to give effect to those instructions? None whatever. They were received with joy in Sicily, but they were immediately followed by the decree of the king, which united the two countries. This act of union in fact destroyed the rights and privileges of the people, and made Sicily a

province

province of Naples. No country in the world was more attached to England, none bore a greater antipathy to Naples than the power with which it was thus forcibly united. In all that he had said, he had no object whatever but to restore to the Sicilians those rights and liberties which had with so much difficulty been acquired for them. Having stated all the facts which he deemed it necessary to lay before the house, he should conclude by moving

"That an humble address be presented to his majesty, humbly praying that his majesty will be pleased to interfere in such manner as the honour and good faith of this country may require."

The Marquis of Londonderry said that in rising to trouble the house with such observations as appeared to be necessary for the purpose of answering the argument of the noble lord; he was happy to have it in his power to compliment him on the calm, intelligent, and candid manner in which he had introduced this subject. The noble lord had chosen rather a late period for making his statement. He now called the house to come to the conclusion, that the conduct of the court of Naples towards its Sicilian subjects was so reprehensible, that this country ought to interfere; and that his majesty should be charged with a very responsible act, in directing what ought to be done with respect to the affairs of those people. If the transactions of 1816 were erroneous in themselves, if the alterations then made in the constitutions of Sicily were of such a description as called for the interference of this country, it was at

that period, when the circumstances had recently occurred, that parliament should have been called on to vindicate the national honour. But it was surely a little too late to come to parliament now, in order to criminate the court of Naples on account of circumstances that happened five years ago; more particularly when they were told that Sicily was about to undergo another organization, but of what nature he was ignorant.

After some remarks by sir J. Macintosh, the house divided, when there appearedFor the motion, Against it,

Majority,

35 69

34

House of Lords, June 23.The lord chancellor, the earl of Shaftesbury, and lord Melville sat as commissioners, and gave the royal assent to the Irish Stamp Duties Bill, the South Sea Trade Bill, the Poor Relief Bill, the East India Prize Money Bill, the Irish Sessions of Peace Bill, the Irish Elections Bill, the Irish Prisons Bill, the Irish Insolvent Debtors' Bill, the Woollen Stamping Bill, the Metropolis Gas Bill, and six private Bills.

25.-The Marquis of Lansdown rose, in pursuance of the notice he had given to call the attention of their lordships to a subject which had many times before been discussed in that house, but which he was sorry to say, at no former time more imperiously called for their lordships' serious consideration. If, indeed, the circumstances connected with the question of the slave trade were more satisfactory than unfortunately they now were; still, after the

period which had elapsed since its abolition by this country, and since the powers of Europe solemnly pledged themselves to put an end to that detestable traffic, it would have become the duty of that house to take a view of the state of things since the abolition, in order to ascertain what had been the result of that measure; but how much more was this their duty, if unhappily the state of the trade was not such as was likely to give satisfaction to the public; and if the circumstances connected with it continued to demand the attention of government, and also of parliament, for the purpose of stimulating the government to the execution of its duty! Under such circumstances their lordships would agree with him, that their time could not be better employed than in the consideration of the state of this trade. He was happy that on this occasion he could divest the motion he intended to make of all censure on any individual connected with the government of this country, and that he could state that very vigorous endeavours had been made, both by the administration at home and our ministers abroad, to repress the evils arising from this traffic. It was to be expected when this country had relinquished the share she had too long held in this guilty traffic, that, after the peace, into the vacuum which was left would run a strong current of unprincipled adventure, in which every maxim, human and divine, would be forgotten in the pursuit of gain. Accordingly it happened that from every quarter of the world persons, instigated by avarice, engaged in the African slave trade; and it appeared that no

remedy was to be found but in treaties framed between foreign states and Great Britian, who, having renounced the great advantages she possessed, became entitled to appeal to those countries which still carried on the slave trade, in the name of humanity, in the name of justice, and in the name of the interest of all the inhabitants of the globe, to concur with her in the abolition. This appeal was made; and what was the answer? Engagements and promises were obtained from all countries that carried on that traffic, to promote its abolition.

The noble marquis here recapitulated the various treaties entered into with the different foreign powers, and the base means resorted to in order to evade them, insomuch that sir G. Collier stated, that in one year 60,000 slaves were taken from Africa, and in one year also 18,000 slaves had been imported into the Portuguese settlements alone. The French government is represented as peculiarly culpable. Spain has relinquished the trade, but it is continued by her colonies, as is the case with Portugal and Holland. In America also, individuals have engaged in this trade under false colours, though the American government appears sincerely and zealously engaged in its suppression. The noble marquis concluded by a motion, embodying his various statements :-" That an humble address be presented to his majesty, representing to his majesty, that in the various documents relative to the slave trade, which, by his majesty's command, have been laid before the house, we find a renewed and most gratifying

gratifying proof of the persevering solicitude with which his majesty's government has laboured to meet the wishes of this house and of the nation at large, by effecting the entire and universal abolition of that guilty traffic; that we learn from them, however, with the deepest regret, that his majesty's unwearied efforts to induce various powers to carry into complete effect their own solemn engagements, have not been more successful.

"That, notwithstanding the deliberate denunciation by which the slave trade was condemned at the congress of Vienna as a crime of the deepest dye; and notwithstanding the deliberate determination there expressed by all the great powers of Europe to put an end to so enormous an evil; nevertheless, this traffic is still carried on to an extent scarcely ever before surpassed, by the subjects, and even under the flags, of the very powers which were parties to these deliberations."

After noticing the conduct of the various European powers, and of the American states, the motion concluded as follows:

"That we, therefore, earnestly entreat his majesty seriously to represent to the court of France how deeply their credit is involved in these transactions, and that his majesty will be graciously pleased to renew his efforts to induce that government to make good its various engagements on this subject; in particular, to fulfil its specified promise to employ new and more efficient restraints, and call into action fresh penal sanctions, in order effectually to prevent the carrying on, by French subjects, of this odious and dis

graceful traffic, to the extinction of which they are bound alike by the most solemn obligations of religion, by the integrity of their government, and even by the personal honour of their sovereign."

Earl Bathurst, conceiving it was desirable that other nations should know how sincerely we abhorred the traffic in slaves, and how perseveringly we would continue our efforts till it was finally abolished, concurred in the object of the proposed address, although with some reserve, he therefore agreed in the resolution, and was disposed to support it.

Lord Calthorpe supported the motion.

After giving due credit to the ministry for their wishes and exertions, the noble lord expressed his disappointment that France had not acted up to her engagements, or observed the faith of treaties on this subject. After the facts which had been that night stated were established, not only here, but in the face of the French public, he trusted that France would change her conduct.

The motion was then put from the woolsack, and unanimously agreed to.

The same subject was brought forward on the 26th, in the House of Commons, when

Mr. Wilberforce began by saying, that he found himself in a situation very different from that in which he had addressed the house respecting this subject on many former occasions. At one time he had to contend with much opposition: many continued to feel hostile, for a long time, to the complete accomplishment of

his object; now there was not a single individual who would not support his wishes to abolish entirely the traffic in slaves. It was natural, he admitted, that a considerable period of time should have elapsed before this unanimity could be found in a country where different interests were involved, and different views were entertained of the best mode of accomplishing the desired object, consistent with justice and policy. At length they knew that the feeling in this country had proceeded from regarding the traffic in slaves as an unwarrantable commerce, to view it as a punishable offence. The bill of his honourable and learned friend (Mr. Brougham) had contributed greatly towards this decisive result by declaring this cruel traffic a felony. The effect of this was to stamp the trade in slaves with, as it were, its true character, and to represent it, not as a fact, but a crime. It had been natural for us, as soon as peace was established, to endeavour to prevail on other nations to renounce the traffic which we had ourselves not only abandoned, but denounced as a felony. During the remainder of the war, after we had abolished the slave trade, we had been in fact the only carriers on of whatever trade existed, and other nations had carried on commerce only by our administration. When, therefore, we had abolished the slave trade, it was altogether abolished, and then for the first time during two centuries had Africa enjoyed freedom from the horrors which had so long infested her coasts. Then we had found that the Africans were not the degraded and depraved beings

which they had been represented to be, incapable of rising from the low level to which unprecedented cruelty had reduced them; but that they were beings like ourselves, influenced by the same principles, and possessed of the same reasoning powers; likely to attach themselves to civil industry, and to form themselves into a political community; and in every way susceptible of intellectual improvement. Such had been the results of the abolition when peace was established. He could not abstain from expressing his gratification, when he had to state how willingly his noble friend (lord Londonderry) had lent himself to every effort for prevailing on the several powers of Europe to abolish the trade in human slaves. Every means had been employed to persuade those powers, and it was gratifying to find that all the great states of Europe, which were, he believed, nine, had agreed in one common sentiment of reprobation of the African slave trade, as the disgrace of Europe, the desolation of Africa, and the scourge of the human race. The several powers had

not hesitated as to the condemnation of the slave trade, and the utmost that was desired on the other side was, that some time should be given before the final termination, in order to enable those engaged in the trade to extricate the capital employed in it without sudden and great loss; and the longest period desired for that purpose had been granted. Portugal had been a reluctant and very tardy friend of the abolition. France at first resisted, but had at length acceded to the general sentiment of the other powers.