fund? In opening the general character of the financial arrange ments for the year, he had felt great satisfaction, and the house had appeared to feel satisfaction, that there was a surplus of 4,000,0001. But of this, half a million was derived from a resource of only a temporary and occasional nature; and if this tax were repealed, there would be only 3,000,000l. next year. As to reduction in the establishments of the country, it was unnecessary to repeal this tax for that object, as every reduction that was compatible with the security and credit of the country would be made. It ought to be recollected that this tax formed but a small part of the expenses of horses, and that if the corn with which they were fed was lower in price, this tax could be the more easily paid. Another objection to its repeal was, that no reasonable substitute had been proposed. He concluded by moving the previous question.

Mr. Scarlett said, ministers, they were told, intended material reductions next year; but the mode of ensuring reduction was to take from them the means of supporting their present establishments. If so much saving could be made next year, let ministers only save by anticipation what they foresaw could be saved, and this tax could be then spared. Another tender and affeeting argument he (Mr. Scarlett) must warn the house against. The right honourable gentleman had represented that no material reduction could be made, and that it was quite hopeless, according to his views. This was a hint that if gentlemen who had

supported ministers would foree them to retrench, the country would be deprived of their services. But that consequence might not follow. The propertytax had been supported by the same argument. (“ No, no,” from Mr. Huskisson.) This tax was oppressive; and therefore its repeal would not be a reduction of revenue. Had the foreign wool tax produced the revenue which had been expected? Where were the three millions of new taxes? Where was the sinking fund of 5,000,000l.? All that the right honourable gentleman expected next year was 4,000,0001. The inference was, that we had come to the end of the power of taxation, by increasing its amount. In this state of things, all beyond the annuity of the public creditor and the necessary establishments of government, was positive oppression. The 4,000,0001. would be much better employed if they were remitted to the people, because they would then afford some relief and give a chance of increasing the revenue. He would give his vote for the repeal of this tax, and would give it for the repeal of any tax. He hailed the return of gentlemen on the other side to a better estimation of the state of the country; he hailed their conviction as sincere, and trusted it would be lasting. He believed the difficulties felt by the agricultural interests would subside by means of the equalization of prices; but he believed that that very equalization would make it impossible to pay the present revenue. Economy was therefore the only resource.

"Maximum vectigal est parsimonia." Mr. Huskisson agreed with his honourable

honourable and learned friend as to the necessity of making every practicable reduction. Neither did he differ from him in the belief that the equalization of prices would diminish the revenue. But that was a reason for pausing before they would proceed in direct repeals of taxes. If all the propositions made by gentlemen op. posite were acceded to, the financial system of the country would be completely broken down. He was fully aware of the difficulties under which the agricultural interest was labouring, and could he believe that the repeal of the tax on horses would afford any material relief to the farmer, he would, notwithstanding the general objection which he felt to interfere with financial arrangements, vote in favour of the motion. He would indeed vote for the repeal of the tax, if he believed that it was desired by the agriculturists, however erro neous they might be in their view of the effects that would result from it. But he could not come to the conclusion, that the repeal of the tax was wished for by the agricultural interest. Not one of the witnesses who had been examined by the committee had stated that the repeal of the tax would afford any relief to the farmer.

Mr. Brougham considered this tax to sin greatly against all the principles which ought to concur in the justification of any tax. First of all, it was a tax on an instrument of labour; secondly, it was a tax that fell unequally in all cases; and thirdly, it was a tax that fell most unequally upon those lands which were least able to bear it-grass lands being free from, and arable lands being liable

to it. If those characteristics were not sufficient to stamp this tax with the character which he had given to it, viz. that of sinning against all legitimate principles of taxation, he did not know what characteristics would be sufficient. To him, however, they appeared to be fully sufficient; and he should therefore vote against the tax. He was, however, asked to give a substitute for it, supposing it to be repealed. This, however, he was not bound to give, and he could assure ministers that the only substitute which they should have for it with his consent should be parsimony and economy. If this tax were taken away, he had no doubt that ministers would so make their estimates square with their means that no substitute would be wanted.

The house divided, when there appeared

For the motion Against it.

141

The decision was hailed with loud cheerings, and leave was accordingly granted to bring in the bill.

June 20.-Mr. Fowell Buxton rose to bring on his motion for copies and extracts of all communications from India respecting the burning of females. In introducing this question he disclaimed all intention of casting reproach upon anybody, for he was aware that a feeling of delicacy upon the superstition of the natives alone restrained the British authorities from interfering to prevent these dreadful spectacles. Still the question was not, in fact, one of religious toleration, but whether

murder

murder and suicide ought tacitly to be permitted under the British jurisdiction. It might be suf. ficient for his purpose to state the extent to which this shocking practice had been carried in one presidency alone-he meant that of Fort William. Within the last four years, in that presidency, 2,366 females had been seen to ascend and perish upon the funeral piles of their deceased husbands. That was the number that had openly perished under the eyes of the magistracy, exclusive of the number which had been consumed in secret, or by the connivance of a mercenary police. By the Mohammedan law the practice was discountenanced, and therefore in many places discontinued; but it was to be regretted that it still prevailed to a great extent in countries under the British jurisdiction. Not only had the disciples of Mahomet abolished this practice, but the French, Dutch and Danes had accomplished the same object in their East Indian settlements. Many of the native princes, amongst whom were the Raja of Travancore, and the Peishwa, the latter of whom was a Hindoo and a Brahmin, had also put an end to this revolting custom. hoped that, when the proper time arrived, the British government would exert their utmost efforts to extinguish so great an evil, and show that they would not be behindhand with their predecessors in the great work of justice and humanity. He did not wish any thing to be done on this subject which would be likely to excite the apprehension of the natives of India, or to shock their religious feelings or prejudices; but he cer

He

a

tainly was anxious that steps should be taken to prove the detestation with which this government viewed so abominable practice. Many of these murders (for, although they were called voluntary sacrifices, he considered them to be little else than murders) took place contrary to the Hindoo law itself. By that law, females under sixteen years of age were not allowed to ascend the funeral pile; yet, it would appear from the papers for which he was about to move, that girls of twelve, thirteen, and fourteen years of age had been sacrificed; and, in one instance, a child of eight years old became a victim to the barbarous custom, By the Hindoo law those widows were also exempted, who, in the event of their death, should leave children behind them under three years of age, unless some security was given that the infants would be taken care of. It was also specifically set down, that the sacrifice should be perfectly voluntary-that no drugs should be administered for the purpose of causing intoxication; but these provisions of the Hindoo law were not complied with. No later than yesterday he had a conversation on this subject with a most respectable gentleman, the Rev. Mr. Thompson, one of the East India Company's chaplains, who stated, that as he was sailing on a river in the neighbourhood of Calcutta, he observed a crowd on the bank, and found that the people had assembled for the purpose of witnessing the burning of a widow, who was then performing her last ablution. When that part of the ceremony was concluded, she was led to the pile, but she fainted repeatedly.

repeatedly. The people began to grow impatient; and she was at last placed on the pile in an insensible state, and lashed to the dead body of her husband. The unfortunate creature, however, recovered her senses, and struggled to escape. A Brahmin immediately placed a torch, in the hand of one of her children, who set fire to the pile, and the whole was consumed in a few minutes. He had also been informed of an instance where the family of the individual had not money to procure wood enough to form a proper pile. In that case, the child of the parties about to be consumed began by applying fire to the face of his deceased father, and then proceeded to place the flame beneath the body of his living mother. The fire soon took effect, but it was a considerable time before the sufferings of the unhappy woman were terminated. Though he did not think it would be proper to put an end to this practice by force, yet he was of opinion that the natives of India ought to be restrained within the laws of their own religion. Beyond these they should not be suffered to depart. All these evils arose from one cause-the ignorance of the natives; and the only cure for them was their instruction. Every person, therefore, must perceive how imperative it was on the government of the country, to extend as far as possible the benefits of education to the natives of India.

He was

happy to observe what had been done by the governor-general with reference to this object. The natives began to admit the superjority of European intellect, and the gratitude they felt for the

benefits which were conferred on them led them to believe that those by whom they were now governed must, in some former period, have moved in a more exalted state of existence, as they could not otherwise account for the virtue, wisdom, and talents which they displayed. The honourable gentleman then moved "for copies or extracts of all communications received from India relative to the burning of females on the funeral piles of their deceased husbands."

Mr. Bathurst observed, that the house would understand this question much better by a perusal of the papers which had been moved for, than from any partial statement that might now be made. Viewing the question as he did, it was not easy to perceive how parliament could interfere in any way whatever. The honourable member (Mr. Buxton) admitted that no fault could be found either with the government abroad or at home, in regard to their administration of the internal affairs of India. If this were the case, they ought to pause before they attempted any active interference with the religious prejudices of the natives. If the legislature took up this question, the necessary consequence must be the intervention of public officers, to prevent breaches of the Hindoo law by the natives themselves— an intervention, be it observed, connected with points the most delicate that could be conceived. These persons would have to inquire whether a woman was ready to make a voluntary sacrifice of her existence. And if they found that she acted voluntarily, and therefore did not fall within any

of the exceptions of the Hindoo law, then the natural and unfortunate consequence would be, that the ceremony thus practised would be described as taking place after the inspection and under the sanction of a British officer. It was an extraordinary circumstance, that since the promulgation of certain regulations on this subject, the number of persons who had sacrificed themselves had been doubled. In 1815 the number was 378; in 1816, 442; in 1817, 707; in 1818, 1,339. In Calcutta alone, the number was, in 1815, 153; in 1816, 289; in 1817, 442; in 1818, 544. Undoubtedly the increase was in some measure attributable to an epidemic disorder which raged in the country, the ravages of which had deprived many women of their husbands. The Indian government doubted very much the policy of the interference which had already taken place. If that were the fact, might it not be supposed, that the sort of sanction which the practice would receive, if the government here interfered, would tend to strengthen it, and to render it more common, by drawing the attention of the people more frequently to it than had been the case in former times? He greatly doubted, therefore, whether any interference would be proper.

Mr. Wilberforce said, the situa. tion of the people of India always filled his mind with the most painful anxiety. There were 80,000,000 of their fellow subjects in that country, over whose happiness they ought to watch with the tenderest care. It was, however, but justice to say, that no people on the face of the earth

were better governed. He wished to see all superstitious practices banished from among them; but he trusted that nothing like violence would be used in effecting that important object. He understood that it was proposed to erect a large building in Calcutta for the purpose of educating missionaries who were to be employed in endeavouring to convert the. people of India. This plan (as we understood the honourable gentleman) had his entire approbation. The individual with whom it had originated was of opinion, that if we did not attempt rudely to shock the prejudices of the natives, there was no people more ready to listen to the voice of instruction. With respect to the regulations to which the right honourable gentleman had referred, they could not fairly be considered as the cause of increasing the practice which his honourable friend (Mr. Buxton) wished to remove. That circumstance was mainly attributable to the epidemic disorder which raged in the country. By the books of the Hindoos those sacrifices ought to be voluntary, but this, he believed, was very rarely the case. He recollected being told of an individual, who, having heard that a widow was about to immolate herself, proceeded to the place. He was informed that it was a voluntary act. But, seeing the woman tied, he asked the presiding Brahmin, " Why he had bound this voluntary sufferer?" "Oh," an-. swered the latter, with great simplicity, "if she was not tied, she would run away." He was desirous to do every thing to promote the moral improvement of the natives of India; and he could positively