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The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that that was not all, but it was all that had been yet received. Mr. Ellice said that his objection to the system of the lottery as grossly immoral was so strong, that when the resolution for that came to be proposed he would take the sense of the house upon it. The resolution was now put and carried. The next resolution was for raising the sum of 200,000l. by the sale of 60,000 lottery tickets. Mr. Bernal said he could not consent to the raising of any sum by means which were so immoral in their tendency as the lottery; and he was anxious that the present time should be embraced for getting rid of that mode of taxation, as, according to the admission of the chancellor of the exchequer, it had ceased to be so profitable as heretofore. Mr. H. G. Bennet observed, that according to the statement of the right honourable gentleman, we were to have so large a surplus next year, that there could be no necessity for the continuation of this odious and immoral tax. He could suppose that if a paramount necessity existed, if there were no other way of getting money, this would constitute a sufficient ground with a chancellor of the exchequer, whose great business seemed to be to dip his hands into the pockets of the public. But he considered that there was no mecessity for still permitting what must be a violation of public morals. To the vote for building additional churches, he (Mr. H. G. Bennet) had given his assent, though he confessed he saw no necessity for them; but if the right honourable gentleman were to propose the building of as many

more, and fill them with good preachers, who inculcated the soundestprinciples, the good which they would be likely to produce would not counterbalance the evils arising from the continuance of lotteries. Mr. Cripps defended the lottery, as a less objectionable mode of taxation than many taxes which already existed, and he was satisfied that the abolition of any portion to the same amount of any other tax would be more acceptable to the public. If the lottery were withdrawn, there could be no doubt that the same or a greater amount of money would be expended by the people in gambling of another description. Mr. W. Smith said, that any gentleman who had been at Paris and passed through the Palais Royal, might have seen gaming, and other still more immoral practices carried on, from all of which

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CHAPTER IV.

Administration of Justice in Tobago–American Loyalists— Foreign Trade—Provision for the Duke of Clarence—Agricultural Horse Tar —Motion relative to Burning of Widows in India-Orange Lodges— Affairs of Sicily—Slave Trade--Privy Council–Prorogation of

Parliament.

Hos. of Commons, June 6.— Lord Nugent rose, in pursuance of notice, to move for a committee to inquire into certain abuses in the administration of justice in the island of Tobago. The noble lord observed that the facts on which he grounded his proposition were strongly vouched, and the charges he had to make would, he apprehended, apply more or less to most of the smaller West India islands. Towards the end of the last session, Mr. Capper, who had been attorney-general of Tobago, had stated certain facts that appeared to his lordship to amount to great abuses, to flagrant denials of justice, and indeed to great personal cruelty. All offices of authority were in the hands of a few in that island, the society was small, and consequently that great corrective of the human mind, public opinion, was wanting. Mr.

Capper having been appointed

early in 1819, he went out to Tobago, but soon found that he must either make himself a party to the illegal and unjust practices

prevailing, must subject himself

to a life of disquiet and mortification, or must relinquish his appointment. He preferred the latter, and returning at great personal inconvenience, he laid the whole case before the colonial department. Lord Bathurst communi1821.

cated with the authorities of the island on the subject: he received a report denying the charges, and imputing unworthy and discreditable motives to Mr. Capper; and upon that report his lordship had acted. He (lord Nugent) had received information on many cases, but he should rely o upon two. His lordship then gave some instances of j at great length. A great evil upon the island was the rejection of a slave's testimony in the case of a white freeman; the consequence of such a rejection was most unfavourable to the cause of justice, and to the moral amelioration of the slave's condition. Would the house believe that, not only were the slaves thus treated, but that they were absolutely denied the opportunity of being present at any place of Christian worship? for on the day and hour set apart for adoring the God of mercy and truth, the time was actually fixed, not only for carrying on the slave market, but for flogging these poor wretches 1 This was a dreadful example to set before the eyes of the unhappy slaves on the Christian sabbath, and well calculated to alienate them from all regard for those, who had to measure their destinies. The noble lord concluded by moving for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into

N certain

certain abuses in the island of Tobago. Mr. motion. Mr. Goulburn felt very great difficulty in addressing himself to questions of this sort—a difficulty which originated in the peculiar situation in which the West India islands were placed The house of assembly claimed the right of exercising all the privileges and powers which the legislature exercised in this country; but owing to the state of society, those powers were necessarily wielded with diminished authority. In nine out of ten cases which were brought before the house, they must bear in mind that the present system had been established, and was raised to full vigour by the British legislature. Until the house, therefore, declared that it was not suited to the colonies, it ought to judge of the conduct of the parties residing there, by certain circumstances growing out of their situation, and not as if the particular events had taken place here. It had been made a matter of complaint, that the evidence of slaves was not received in the courts. But if it were received, it would create two very serious difficulties. On the one hand, the evidence of an initiated slave might be most prejudicial to his master; but on the other, suppose a master to be charged with some dreadful crime, suppose that crime to be known to his slave, whose evidence might be of the most material nature, what was to prevent the person accused from using the influenee which he naturally possessed over his slave, for the purpose of inciting him, not merely to soften his evidence, but to give

IV. Smith seconded the

testimony wholly opposed to the charge? With respect to the question immediately before the house, whether a committee should be appointed to inquire into the facts stated by the noble lord, he could truly say, that it was with extreme regret he ever opposed a motion, the tendency of which was to elicit information respecting the state of the different colonies. Under all the circumstances, he hoped the noble lord would withdraw his motion. Mr. Barham was always anxious, when any case relative to the West Indies, and which appeared proper for inquiry, was brought before the house, to have it thoroughly investigated. After a few observations by sir J. Macintosh and Mr. Marryatt, Mr. Wilberforce confessed that he thought it would be right to make this matter a subject of inquiry. He was much surprised to hear honourable gentlemen defending some of the abuses which notoriously existed in many of the West India islands. Thus the predilection of the negroes for their Sunday market had been assigned as the reason of its continuance. He would put it to the house, however, whether this, prepossession of the negroes of a custom which had existed too long, was any ground for retaining it. After a few words from other honourable members, Lord Nugent said, that if the house would allow him, he was ready to withdraw his motion, and to substitute in its place the following resolution :“That early in the next session, this house will appoint a select committee, to inquire into the administration administration of justice in the island of Tobago.” On the question being put from the chair, Mr. Goulburn said, that he had no objection to the sending out a commission to inquire into the circumstances to which the noble lord had alluded. The house divided— For the resolution . . 66 Against it . 105

Majority . . . . . . 39 Mr. Courtenay, in pursuance of the notice he had given, rose to bring forward his motion respecting American loyalists. The honourable member entered at some

length into a variety of arguments,

to show that the loyalists, who had been ruined in their property in consequence of adhering to their allegiance to their sovereign, were entitled to particular consideration. The honourable member concluded by moving, that the house do resolve itself into a committee to consider the claims of those American loyalists, who had suffered in consequence of their adherence to their allegiance, and who had not yet been remunerated. Sir Scrope Morland seconded the motion. Mr. Baring said, that if the persons mentioned had a just claim, the magnitude of that claim ought not to form any consideration on this question. The claim was about 100,000l. But it was fair that the house should know that if this claim were found good, another claim of 100,000l. on the part of merchant creditors would be equally good. There were

three classes of claimants. The

first was the class of loyalists,

who had been land proprietors in America. The second class consisted of loyalists resident in America, against whom the courts of justice in that country were shut. The third class consisted of British merchants, whose suits were likewise excluded from American courts of justice. At the peace,

ample compensation had been

made to the first class. For the other classes there had been provided a sum of 600,000l. from the American government, in lieu of those claims, and a commission was now sitting in London for the purpose of adjudging this sum to the legal claimants. The present claimants had laid their claim before them, and the commission had made an award upon it. The claimants having acquiesced in the commission for distributing the sum obtained, and actually received a proportion of it, had no claim now before that house. Mr. IWilberforce said he had, nearly forty years ago, supported the claim of these same persons. Their claim could not consistently with the known good faith of parliament be rejected. Mr. Courtenay replied, and the house divided— For the motion . . 77 Against it . - . 60 Majority . - . 17 House of Lords, June 8th.-, The royal assent was given by commissioners to the Seamen's Wages Bill, the Grampound Disfranchisement Bill, the Sale of Bread Bill, and several other public and private bills. The commissioners were the lord Chancel-, lor, the earl of Shaftesbury, and lord Melville. Mr. Brogden and others brought No 2 from

from the commons the South Sea Trade Bill, and the Irish Insolvent Debtor's Bill. The Marquis of Lansdown held in his hand a report from the committee on foreign trade, in presenting which, he wished to make a few observations. The principal part of the report to which he was desirous of very briefly drawing their lordship's attention, related to a very important manufacture of this country, that of silk. It was with great satisfaction he stated that from the inquiry which had been gone into, it appeared that the extent of the silk manufacture of this country was such as to create a demand for labour, and yield a profit far beyond any thing he could have expected from a tradecreated by favour and maintained by prohibitions. It happened fortunately that a part of the world which had been placed under the dominion of this country was that which afforded the best raw material, and from which it had originally been derived by the south of Europe. The improvement of the trade had been so great, that supplies were now drawn two or three times a year from that country, instead of only once as formerly. Much as this manufacture had been favoured in France, it having always been the policy of the French government to encourage it, their lordships would be surprised to hear that it had been more successfully prosecuted in this country. It appeared that the quantity of the raw material consumed in England was now considerably greater than that used in the manufacture in France. The value of the raw material imported from Italy and India

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the raw silk imported into England in 1820 amounted to 2,500,000l. The value of this raw material when manufactured was ten millions. From the moment that a free trade was allowed to India, and private adventurers were permitted to act on their own speculations, there had been a progressive improvement in the quality and the quantity of the raw material imported. One of the embarrassments under which the silk trade laboured, was that of Spitalfields; the place where the manufacture was carried on was subject to a particular act of parliament, deviating from the true principles of political economy, and rendering it impossible for any manufacturer to introduce any new machinery, however advantageous, into the trade. The noble marquis concluded by moving that the report be printed. House of Commons.—The Marquis of Londonderry moved the order of the day for the house resolving itself into a committee of the whole house, to take into consideration the communication from his royal highness the duke of Clarence. He proposed to place his royal highness in the same situation as if a bill had been brought in on the vote of 1818. That would be to allow him the provision originally voted from the period of his marriage, just as if, at that time, a bill had o the legislature, granting im the allowance which he had been pleased to decline. If they were not justified in granting his royal

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