permanent. He thought that much attention was due to the families of the poor under such circumstances; for instance, every gentleman acquainted with agricultural pursuits knew that when the labouring man married, he reckoned on having the second child supported by the parish, and the overseer had regularly to meet a claim of 2s. or 2s. 6d. per week for that purpose. A new principle ought to be infused into the poor: why was not the labouring man to be impressed with the same necessity for husbanding his resources for his family, that were felt by other classes in society? It was obviously the same advantage to all classes, that such an impression should prevail, and a most immoral system must be the result of any particular relaxation from so just and provident a responsibility. His second provision would then be of this nature -"That it shall not be lawful for any overseer of the poor or justice of the peace, to order or apportion any relief to be given to any person who at the time of passing this act shall be single, except in cases of actual infirmity of body, old age, or debility by sickness." The effect of such an enactment would, he thought, be to restore habits of industry and provident regulation among the poor, and to make them look a little more to their own resources when they had them, instead as was now the case, of compelling the really industrious classes of the community to sacrifice a portion of their hard earnings to support the idle. If these two measures were deemed acceptable, he should have another to offer, upon which he was perfectly prepared to meet a His contrariety of sentiment. own opinion upon it was, how. ever, fixed; and as it was the result of long reflection, he hardly expected it could be shaken by any argument which might be opposed to it. As the law now stood, all parish paupers might be removed from the place at which they sought relief, to any other where they had been within the last 40 days. The acts of 13th and 14th of Charles the second, enables justices of the peace to order the removal of such paupers. Now the effect of these laws was to restrict the free circulation of labour, and to expose the labourer, who, being unable to obtain employment in his parish, honestly endeavoured to seek it elsewhere, to the penalty of being seized and sent back to a parish where there existed no demand for his labour, and where, from the situation of the place, he was sure to remain a pauper. A more oppressive and impolitic law than that never existed anywhere: it made poverty a crime, and its punishment banishment. A part then of his (Mr. Scarlett's) object was to abolish the law for removing paupers from one place to another by an order from justices of the peace, &c. He anticipated that it would be objected to this alteration, that it would entail upon manufacturing towns a heavy expence for supporting those for whom they had no longer the employment which first attracted them to the spot. He had selected Manchester as being the place where the operation, whatever it might be under such circumstances, must be particularly felt. The labouring classes collected in that town were largest manufactories at Manchester, an excellent and politic practice had prevailed, which prevented a single labourer from being thrown by that factory upon the parish. The condition of the manufactory was, that each workman should, while employed, subscribe a small sum to a fund which was reserved in case of contin were numerous, and, according to the present practice, as they became paupers, they and their families were removed, some to London, some elsewhere, by the Manchester parochial officers and justices; but in looking at the assessment for the poor at Manchester, he found it less than that in the agricultural parishes. In the year 1816, when a great ad-gency, for his future support. The ditional expense was thrown upon the town by the equalization of the county rates, he found that the assessment for the poor was 8s. 6d. in the pound; it was afterwards much less; while at the same time in the midland and other agricultural counties the assessment amounted to 20s. in the pound on 4-5ths of the rent. What would be the effect of the proposed alteration upon the town of Manchester? Suppose it prevented them from removing 400 or 500 families in the course of the year, and that this made a corresponding increase in the local assessment for their support; yet still the town would be saved the support of its own distant poor, who were conveyed back according to the present practice. On principle, however, he objected to the power of sending away, when business declined, those by whose labours in the time of demand the town had become enriched; and sending them away to places to which they had previously contributed nothing. In looking at the consequence of the alteration, he thought it could easily be shown that no serious apprehension need be entertained; the effect would, in point of fact, be to make that practice general among the manufacturers, which was now only partially adopted. In one of the for honourable and learned gentleman for for the last year as a maximum: the second, the preventing parochial relief where the parties mèrely grounded their claim upon being unable to obtain work: and the third, the abandonment of the power enabling justices to order the removal of paupers. His motion was for leave to bring in a bill to amend the laws relating to the relief of the poor in England. The Marquis of Londonderry begged leave to express his thanks to the honourable and learned gentleman, for the pains he had evidently taken with this important subject. And in refraining at present from making any observations upon the details which had been so forcibly submitted by the honourable and learned gentleman, he trusted that he would not infer from his silence any want of zeal. or any disinclination to lend his assistance in considering the whole subject. As the honourable and learned gentleman at present merely moved for leave to bring in his bill, time enough would nɔ doubt be hereafter allowed to consider the whole question. Sir Robert Wilson must protest against any attempt to abridge the rights of the poor secured to them by the existing laws. Why not try the effect of a reduction of taxation in the first instance? Mr. Calcraft was of opinion that the connexion was close between increased taxation and the growth and progressive increase of the poor laws. It must also be recollected that, as the price of corn increased, the wages of labour diminished; and from thence arose the necessity of an additional supply to furnish the means of subsistence for the labourer. Unless it were found practicable to raise the price of labour, they could not well expect -. any considerable diminution of the poor rates. Those who were old enough to remember, must know very well that the lax state of the existing system arose from the peculiar circumstances of the country. He recollected, when he was acting as a magistrate in the country, so sudden a rise took place in the price of provisions, that it became almost impossible to know what to do with the labouring population. The magistrates were in consequence reluctantly driven to adopt that course, as a temporary expedient, which undoubtedly had the effect. of increasing the poor rates. The third point touched upon by his learned friend was the settlement of the poor. They all knew the expence, the litigation, and the inquietude the present system created in every part of the country. Still, however, he was fearful of entering on any new system. He had however, no objection to the introduction of his learned friend's bill. Mr. S. Bourne begged leave to offer his sincere thanks to the honourable and learned gentleman who had turned his attention to a subject of such deep importance. With respect to the first point proposed by the learned gentleman; that of a maximum, it had been brought under the notice of the committee by a gentleman to whose opinion great deference was paid. He, in common with many others, was in the first instance, startled at such a proposition; and, in drawing up the report, pains were taken to place it in the clearest point of view. Reference was made to its having already been acted on as a local provision. The isle of Wight, the place where the the experiment was tried, was eminently calculated to give it every fair chance of success. The plan did not, however, answer. Application was made to the legislature for an increase of the maximum, and he believed it went as far as double the sum originally proposed. The object of the committee from which the report emanated was, not only to introduce measures for legislative enactment, but to bring the whole subject fairly before the house and the country. Having done 30, they proceeded to do that which would be subsidiary to any better plan that might hereafter be brought forward. With that view a bill had been introduced for the creation of select vestries. The effect of these vestries had been to reduce the poor's rates considerably; and he was the more anxious to state this, because he understood the system had been opposed in different parts of the country by certain parish officers who were interested in continuing the existing practice. The honourable gentleman here enumerated several parishes in which poor's rates had been reduced in consequence of the establishment of select vestries. The second measure, relating to the right of claiming relief, was in fact the great object to which the attention of the house should be directed. If that were once settled on a solid and equitable basis, he thought all the evil of the present system of poor's laws would be corrected. The last report of the committee was particularly directed to that point, and he was asked to carry the principle into execution by introducing a declaratory law. that 1821. relief should be afforded to the aged and infirm only. Mr. Monck said, that though, in their debates, they reprobated the principle of an agrarian law, or of Spencean justice, yet, in the act of parliament, they had absolutely adopted that principle. Gentlemen of landed property, were the nominal owners of the land, while the rents and profits silently found their way into the hands of the parish officers, to be distributed to the poor. The poor-rates were extremely objectionable. They degraded the poor man, because he received that, in the shape of alms, which ought to be given to him in the more creditable shape of wages. But though the system was objectionable, he was not ready to abridge the poor of that assistance which they had hitherto received. He traced the great amount of the poor rates to excessive taxation; and before he abridged the rights of the poor, he must see a repeal of the malttax, of the tobacco-tax, and, above all, he demanded in their name a repeal of the corn bill. Mr. Mansfield objected to the introduction of a maximum. Mr. G. Phillips said, if the poorrates did not exist, the rate of wages would rise in proportion to the price of provisions; and therefore he did not think the view of his honourable friend (Mr. Calcraft) was correct. Mr. Ricardo observed, that the object of his learned friend was, to give the labourer a fair reward for his labour. Situated as the country was, the supply of labour was greater than the demand, which rendered the poor-laws necessary. His learned friend wished, by this measure, to bring the supply and demand more nearly on a level, and by that means to give the labourer a fair chance of remuneration. Much had been said about the pressure of the national debt, and the extent of taxation; but he was convinced that, if the poor were regulated with respect to numbers, and if a fair remuneration were granted to those who were able to labour, although the country might be distressed by a great national debt, and large taxes, all the evil of that debt and of those taxes would fall on the higher classes of society. Mr. M. A. Taylor was of opinion that one great cause of the increase of the poor-rates was the vast number of disputed cases of settlement. The question was then put, and leave was given to bring in the bill. Mr. Scarlett immediately appeared at the bar, and brought in a bill" to amend the laws relative to the relief of the poor in England." The bill was then read a first time, and ordered to be printed. April 16.-Sir F. Burdett rose. After the various petitions which had been presented to the house, stating, in terms as simple as they were incontrovertible, and as affecting as they were unaffect ed, the injuries which had been inflicted on the people at Manchester whilst peaceably assembled for a purpose of the highest importance to the country, namely, the expression of their feelings upon the necessity of reform-he rose, not knowing to whom the blame of the transaction ought to attach, but with the intention of discovering that point by his motion: for, whether it was to the ministers, or whether it was to the magis trates, or whether it was to the yeomanry, who so particularly distinguished themselves on that occasion, that the great share of blame ought to attach, or whether it was to attach to them all collectively, was more than he could tell at present, and was, therefore, a proof that some inquiry into the subject was necessary. In order fity to introduce it, it would be necessary to recur to what had passed upon a former occasion, and to animadvert on what fell from different gentlemen in parliament, who had endeavoured to show that there was no ground of complaint; that all the statements made, of violence committed on the people, were without foundation-or that that violence was justified by the eir. cumstances of the case. He recollected particularly that the honourable member for Lancashire (lord Stanley) asserted that it was not until the yeomanry had been attacked with bludgeons, stones, and brickbats, that they "turned round upon the mob, and some wounds were inflicted." His respect for that noble lord made him (sir F. Burdett) believe that he would be glad to embrace this opportunity of confessing that the representation he then made was not founded in fact. In commencing a subject of so delicate and extraordinary a nature, it might be necessary for him in the onset to guard himself by protesting that in the language he should employ he meant nothing personal to any honourable member. He was called upon to say this, because he really knew not of what terms to avail himself, unless he used those that mest strongly expressed his meaning; and |